Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, May 2004, pages
70-71
Islam in North America
Canada’s Islamic Dispute Resolution Initiative
Faces Strong Opposition By Faisal KuttyAt no other time have Ontario’s courts been as backlogged
as they are today, wrote the province’s auditor in his October 2003
report. That sentiment was echoed by Ontario’s chief justices at
the 2004 opening session of the provincial court.
One would therefore expect that anything that might ease the
backlog would be welcome. Instead, however, recent efforts by the
Islamic Institute of Civil Justice to formalize alternative dispute
resolution (ADR) have met strong opposition from within and outside
the community, at times verging on Islamophobia.
Right-wing commentators and news outlets had a field day. “Canadian
judges soon will be enforcing Islamic law…such as stoning women
caught in adultery,” screamed one headline. Another read, “Canada
Allowing Sharia Barbaric Laws?” Even the usually sober Globe
and Mail got in on the act with a front-page story titled “Tribunal
will apply Islamic Law in Ontario.”
Among the more than 650,000 Canadian Muslims, opinions range
from wholehearted endorsement to fear the decisions will be biased
against women. In fact, the International Campaign for the Defense
of Women’s Rights in Iran held a March 7 panel discussion titled, “Shariah
tribunals in Canada and women’s rights.” The press release for
the event, endorsed by about half a dozen women’s rights and humanist
groups, claimed that “this attempt [to set up this tribunal] will
make it possible for political Islam to gain legal credibility
to attack women’s rights.”
In a position paper on the tribunal by the Canadian Council of
Muslim Women (CCMW), posted on its Web site, CCMW president Alia
Hogben writes:
“We see no compelling reason to live under any other form of
law in Canada, and we want the same laws to apply to us as to other
Canadian women. We prefer to live under Canadian laws, governed
by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which safeguard and protect
our equality rights. Although the judicial system is not perfect,
we know that there are mechanisms for change.”
This leaves the inaccurate impression, however, that Muslim Canadians
would be forced to refer matters to the tribunal and would have
no Charter protection. In fact, any ADR process would be voluntary,
and both parties to any dispute must participate willingly. Moreover,
any decision rendered by a tribunal or a panel of mediators would
be subject to appeal to the civil courts and would have to be consistent
with the supreme law of the land, the Canadian Charter of Rights
and Freedoms.
Other Canadian communities have successfully
implemented ADR procedures. Concern is coming not only from feminists. “Islamic law is
being exploited in many countries to oppress women and minorities,” says
Anwaar Syed of the Canadian Muslim Civil Liberties Association. “If
the tribunal wishes to institute that kind of interpretation then
they will be hard pressed to find support within the community.”
While cautious about the initiative put forward by the Institute,
Syed’s group is in favor of formalizing ADR within the community
to resolve disputes amicably.
Indeed, other Canadian communities have successfully implemented
ADR procedures—with much less fanfare and scrutiny. For instance,
rabbinical courts or Beth Dins dealing with business and matrimonial
issues have been functioning for some time in North America. The
Islamic ADR process would be in line with these institutions.
Canada’s existing legal framework allows parties to civil, family
and religious disputes to opt for ADR and thereby resolve their
differences using their own parameters, be they religious or cultural.
Contrary to the impression left by many commentators, criminal
and regulatory matters would fall outside the bounds of such tribunals.
The trend toward ADR, moreover, greatly benefits the public at
large by easing the burden on the judicial system and saving tax
dollars.
Canadian Muslims would simply be reactivating their rich tradition
of arbitration (tahkim), mediation (wasatah) and
conciliation (sulh). The tradition, based on different assumptions
from the Western model, has continued from the time of the Prophet.
In fact, R. Jennings, in his Kadi Courts and Legal Procedures
in the 17th Century Ottoman Keysari, wrote:“Muslihun (those
who help negotiate compromise and reconciliation) were regular
features of the court. Often, litigants reported to the court that Muslihun had
negotiated sulh between them, indicating that a compromise
had been accomplished away from the Court.”
Indeed, the Qur’an specifically refers to arbitration in the
context of matrimonial disputes:
“If you fear a breach between them [man and wife], then appoint
an arbitrator from his people and an arbitrator from her people.
If they desire reconciliation, God will make them of one mind.
God is all knowing, all aware.” (Qur’an, C4, V35).
Critics also contend that, because women will succumb to social
pressure, unfair decisions only rarely will come to light. “My
fear is that once these tribunals are set up, Muslims will be obliged
by social pressure to use them, thereby denying to themselves many
of the rights that we in the West have fought for for centuries,” said
Roy Brown, president of the London-based International Humanist
and Ethical Union. Aside from its patronizing tone, the concern
is valid, given the insular nature of the Canadian Muslim community,
but it should not undermine the whole initiative.
In fact, Islamic dispute resolution already exists, and people
are abiding by decisions that oftentimes are crude or unfair. Formalizing
the process will allow for greater transparency and accountability.
For instance, the issue of undue influence can be dealt with by
ensuring that tribunals must ensure that parties have obtained
independent legal advice if required. As long as proper procedures
and rules of conduct are in place, there is nothing to prevent
the community from instituting a dynamic and less disruptive alternative
to the adversarial civil court system.
The Issue of InterpretationThe central issue of what interpretation
of Islamic law will be applied raises legitimate questions. The shariah is
a comprehensive legal, ethical and spiritual guide of conduct to
achieve submission to the will of God. The discovery of these rules
of conduct is attained through fiqh, or jurisprudence, which
is composed of the Usul al Fiqh and the Furu al Fiqh. The
former is the methodology of jurisprudence, and includes the philosophy
of law, sources of rules, and the principles of legislation, interpretation
and application of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet Mohamed. Furu
al fiqh are the derivatives of the legal rules, and are subject
to interpretation and evolution. While agreeing on major points
of Usul, Muslims have historically tolerated a wide variety
of opinions with regard to Furu.
Compounding the problem is the fact that there is virtually no
formal certification process to designate someone as being qualified
to interpret Islamic law. As it stands today, anyone can get away
with making rulings so long as he has the appearance of piety and
a group of followers. There are numerous institutions across the
country churning out graduates as alims (scholars), faqihs (jurists)
or muftis (juris-consults) without fully imparting the subtleties
of Islamic jurisprudence. Many, unfortunately, are more influenced
by cultural world views and clearly take a male-centered approach.
The status quo in Islamic law, characterized far too often with
abuse of women and minorities, is the product of rigid interpretations
shaped by tribal and cultural norms. The pure Islamic teachings
of equality, justice and freedom must be brought to the fore again
by using interpretations which are consistent with the spirit of
Islam. If it is a simple exercise of grafting the Western paradigm
onto the existing Islamic rules, Islamic dispute resolution will
be neither fair nor just. The formal ADR initiative, however, provides
an opportunity to shed the cultural baggage and revisit some of
the patriarchally misinterpreted rulings by refocusing on the Qur’an’s
emphasis on gender equality.
To take on this daunting task, arbitrators, mediators and facilitators
must be adequately qualified to issue Islamic rulings consistent
with the spirit of the shariah and within the parameters
of the Canadian Charter.
Those expending their energy campaigning for the outright rejection
of this initiative would help their cause more by offering constructive
input to help set parameters and develop a transparent and just
process.
Faisal Kutty, a partner in the Toronto law firm of Baksh & Kutty
(<www.bakshkutty.com>), is currently an LL.M. candidate
in Civil Litigation and Dispute Resolution at Osgoode Hall Law
School of York University. He can be reached at <kutty@bakshkutty.com>. |