Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, November
2006, pages 29-30
Special Report
Palestine’s Teachers: Its Last National Resource
By Samah Jabr
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On Sept. 2, 2006—the first day
of school for Palestinian children—an empty classroom
in Hebron with “teachers on strike” written on
the blackboard shows the result of a strike by teachers and
other public sector employees (AFP photo/Hazem Bader). |
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ON THE FIRST day of the new academic year, and in response to
a call by the Fatah-based Palestinian Teachers’ Union, teachers
in the occupied Palestinian territories launched a strike to protest
the fact that they have not been paid since last February—a
month after Hamas won free and fair democratic elections and, in
response, the U.S. and Israel joined forces to impose a political
and economic blockade on the new government.
Teachers represent the largest sector of government employees,
which includes health care workers and office employees, who also
joined the strike. As a result, some 40,000 teachers and 1,250,000
students found themselves at home instead of in school, and patients
were unable to receive medical treatment.
It was Palestinian teachers who, in January, monitored the election
process and ensured that it was untarnished by cheating and manipulation.
At the onset of the international embargo, Palestinian employees
came together in support of their government, surviving on food
coupons and aid instead of salaries. As time went by, however,
people began to lose patience—
and one cannot deny their right to demand an end to their financial predicament.
Even the youngest school child in Palestine is aware that the
responsibility for their plight lies not with the Hamas-led government,
but with the Israeli-American siege imposed on the Palestinian
people. In response to people’s dire financial situation,
the government decided to make school fees optional—thus
further depleting funds available to pay teachers.
Despite the new government’s best efforts to conserve public
funds, President Mahmoud Abbas allocated a portion of it to Palestinian
television and the PLO—the very institutions which have continued
to campaign against the new government.
Indeed, the media’s anti-government statements are evidence
of the strike’s political nature. Perhaps the goal is not
the stated one of recouping unpaid wages, but rather a strategy
to impose conditions on talks for the formation of a national government.
Some of the methods used to enforce the strike were violent, including
threatening teachers, vandalizing the cars of those who worked,
and shooting at students going to school. Armed men roamed the
streets of the West Bank cities of Jericho and Tulkarm, forcing
owners of shops open for business to close. An attack on governmental
grounds in Gaza City by PA security men is further proof that civil
servants were being exploited to serve the political ends of certain
factions.
Accusing the striking teachers or questioning their intentions,
however, is as counterproductive as the strike itself. Teachers
and other public servants have the right to protest—just
as those who agree with the government have the right to work without
facing threats and constraints. Surely, however, there are other
tactics for stressing the importance of paying teachers that would
enable them to resume classes, rather than deprive our children
of their right to an education.
Teachers, after all, are not the only ones living under financial
constraints due to the political situation. Since the beginning
of the current intifada, some 300,000 Palestinian laborers who
used to work in Israeli-controlled areas have lost their jobs.
Innumerable Palestinian farmers have had their lands confiscated,
ancient olive trees uprooted, or homes demolished—not to
mention the thousands of lives lost or bodies maimed as a result
of Israel’s war on us. In fact, it has never been the government
that kept us going, but our own conviction of the legitimacy of
our cause and our determination to resist against all odds.
This strike is especially harmful because it targets a very important
value of the Palestinian nation, education, and adversely affects
our children, the most vulnerable members of our society. Indeed,
researchers on mental and psychological health in Palestine have
noted the importance of schooling in contributing to the resilience
of our young people. In one such study, 96 percent of children
suffering from a variety of occupation-induced torments believed
that progressing in their studies was the solution for their personal
and national problems.
Given the impoverished and dangerous environment in which Palestinians
live, school is a vital lifeline to these children who are living
at the edge of death. In addition to the prestige accorded teachers
by our culture, their number and proximity to our children make
them a very important resource for the mental and psychological
rehabilitation of the youngest generation. Without education for
our children today, we cannot hope for change in future generations.
While the public sector certainly should take measures to expose
the difficulties and harm caused by the economic siege, especially
in the education and health sectors, it must take care not to compound
poverty with ignorance and disease, thereby leading to a permanent
paralysis in the Palestinian territories. Instead of closing schools
and hospitals, it would be more effective and to the point to protest
in a civilized and democratic way outside the offices of international
organizations, in front of foreign embassies and the United Nations—which,
after all, are much more responsible for the current wage crisis
than is the Palestinian government.
Samah Jabr is a Jerusalem-born physician currently studying in
Paris. |