Sharon Visit, AIPAC Meeting Generate Negative Congressional Letters, Unhelpful Bill

By Shirl McArthur

Events in Europe, Asia and the Middle East have caused the administration of President George W. Bush to devote more attention to international issues than originally intended. In the Middle East, however, Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell steadfastly resisted increasing pleas from Arab leaders to become more directly involved in trying to curb the rising cycle of violence between Israel and the Palestinians. Some members of Congress, however, were all too ready to try to tilt U.S. policy even further toward Israel, and the mid-March combination of the visit to the U.S. of new Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and AIPAC’s annual meeting gave them all the impetus they needed. The result was some unhelpful letters and one legislative bill.

The worst was a letter, originally drafted by AIPAC and redrafted slightly by each of the Senate Foreign Relations and House International Relations committees, urging Bush to “initiate a reassessment of U.S. relations with the Palestinians.” The letters said the reassessment should examine whether Palestinian groups involved in violence should be designated “foreign terrorist organizations” under the 1996 Anti-Terrorism Act, whether U.S. aid to the Palestinians is meeting its goals, and whether President Yasser Arafat should be invited to Washington while the violence continues. In addition, the letters say that Bush “should reaffirm America’s opposition to a unilaterally-declared independent Palestinian state.”

The only positive thing about the letter is that each of the House and Senate versions slightly moderated AIPAC’s original draft: both dropped all three of AIPAC’s references to the Palestinian’s “war” against Israel; only the Senate version retained AIPAC’s specifically naming Force 17 and the Tanzim as groups to be designated as “foreign terrorist organizations”; and only the House version included AIPAC’s questioning whether the PLO office in Washington should be allowed to remain open.

The Senate letter was signed by 87 senators and was sent on April 5. It was circulated by Senate Foreign Relations Committee ranking Democrat Joe Biden (D-DE) and Middle East subcommittee chairman Sam Brownback (R-KS). The House letter was signed by 190 members and was also sent on April 5. It was circulated by International Relations Committee chairman Henry Hyde (R-IL) and Ranking Democrat Tom Lantos (D-CA). (See facing page for the names of all those signing the letters.)

Concern for Captured Israelis

On March 15, 30 senators signed a letter to Bush calling on him to condition U.S. policy toward Syria, Lebanon and the Palestinian Authority on “their willingness to help in securing the return of the hostages,” referring to the three Israeli soldiers and one Israeli businessman captured by Hezbollah last October. While the main objective of gaining the return of prisoners—even another country’s—is not objectionable, the overall tone of the letter, with references to “Hezbollah terrorists,” clearly is one-sided. Furthermore, the second page of the letter has nothing to do with captured Israelis. Instead, it says the U.S. must “work closely with Israel to help end the violence,” and must send a signal to the countries of the Middle East “that the American people stand by Israel—our democratic ally and closest partner in Middle East peace.”

The letter was circulated by Sens. Max Cleland (D-GA), Peter Fitzgerald (R-IL), Gordon Smith (R-OR), and Robert Torricelli (D-NJ). The other signers were Sens. Evan Bayh (D-IN), Kitt Bond (R-MO), Barbara Boxer (D-CA), Brownback, Jean Carnahan (D-MO), Hillary Clinton (D-NY), Susan Collins (R-ME), Mike DeWine (R-OH), Dick Durbin (D-IL), John Ensign (R-NV), Jim Inhofe (R-OK), Tim Johnson (D-SD), Ted Kennedy (D-MA), Herb Kohl (D-WI), Mary Landrieu (D-LA), Joe Lieberman (D-CT), Trent Lott (R-MS), Mitch McConnell (R-KY), Patty Murray (D-WA), Don Nickles (R-OK), Harry Reid (D-NV), Rick Santorum (R-PA), Paul Sarbanes (D-MD), Charles Schumer (D-NY), Arlen Specter (R-PA), and George Voinovich (R-OH).

Hearing, Debate on Iraq Policy

Although the hearings covered a wide range of subjects, U.S. policy toward Iraq was the most controversial aspect of Secretary of State Powell’s initial appearances before the Senate Foreign Relations and the House International Relations committees in early March. Previously Powell had outlined a new approach to Iraq policy by easing economic sanctions while toughening the military sanctions. Clearly this did not sit well with many congressmen who believe that sanctions should remain in place while the U.S. steps up efforts to get rid of Iraqi President Saddam Hussain.

At an earlier hearing focusing only on Iraq, Senate Middle East subcommittee chairman Brownback doubted whether “smarter sanctions” could be implemented. He urged that the Iraqi opposition be strengthened with economic support, training and, “when necessary,” arms, with the aim of overthrowing Hussain. In Powell’s House hearing, Middle East subcommittee chairman Ben Gilman (R-NY) said that loosening the sanctions could only increase Hussain’s ability to acquire weapons. He also said that he resented accusations that the sanctions were responsible for hunger and disease among Iraqi children.

With somewhat less visibility, this same debate also is being waged within the administration. New Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld takes a hard-line approach to most issues. Rumsfeld has named Paul Wolfowitz and Douglas Feith as two of four undersecretaries. Both have publicly advocated arming the Iraqi opposition in a direct attempt to eliminate Hussain. Furthermore, Wolfowitz reportedly told a group of European diplomats that the State Department’s view on sanctions is not necessarily the last word. At some point the White House will have to become involved, and it is not clear how, or what, Bush will decide.

Gilman’s Middle East Hearing

On March 29, Gilman’s new Middle East subcommittee held its first hearing, calling on retiring Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Edward Walker to testify on current developments in the Middle East. Walker’s testimony covered the full range of America’s relations with the countries of the region, and he particularly emphasized that, contrary to press speculation, the U.S. will remain “engaged” in the Middle East.

Regarding the deterioration in relations between Israel and the Palestinians, Walker emphasized that both sides have lost confidence in the other, and he urged both to stop the violence and incitement to violence, restore normal economic life, re-establish a dialogue, and avoid “unilateral actions that gratuitously provoke the other.” He repeated what Powell has been saying, that the U.S. will remain involved, “but we will not become the negotiating partner for either side.”

Most subcommittee members were not so inclined toward balance. In his opening statement, Gilman said he was “especially concerned about Yasser Arafat’s incitement and encouragement of the violence, and whether the U.S. is in the process of reassessing its relationship with the Palestinians.”

Ranking Democrat Gary Ackerman (NY) went further, saying that the U.S. “must demonstrate that there is a heavy price to pay for the Palestinian decision to resort to violence.” Only Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) pointed out that people are ignoring the violence being done by the Israelis. “The body count on the Palestinian side is a lot higher than the Israeli side,” he said.

House Bill Would Eliminate All Aid to Palestinians

The unhelpful bill initially referred to is H.R. 1087, introduced on March 15 by Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-NY). The bill prohibits all direct or indirect aid to the PA “or for programs, projects, and activities to the West Bank or Gaza,” unless the president certifies to Congress that the PA leadership has publicly renounced violence and has “taken all actions within its capacity to bring an end to the violence,” and that the violence in the West Bank and Gaza has subsided. Joining Weiner as co-sponsors were Reps. Ken Bentsen (D-TX), Howard Berman (D-CA), Joe Crowley (D-NY), Peter Deutsch (D-FL), Martin Frost (D-TX), Michael McNulty (D-NY), Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), Mark Souder (R-IN), and Thomas Tancredo (R-CO).

Senate’s Anti-Libya Campaign

Although no further action has been taken on S. 244, the anti-Libya bill described in the last issue of Washington Report, a new measure, S.Con.Res. 23, with similar provisions, has taken its place and is progressing speedily through the Senate. Like S. 244, the new measure seeks to assure that sanctions remain in place against Libya over the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 until a list of conditions has been met. The major differences between the two measures are, first, S.Con.Res. 23 is a non-binding resolution, expressing the “sense of Congress,” and thus carries less weight than would a bill; and second, the new list of conditions does not include a requirement for a public Libyan apology. The resolution was introduced on March 13 by Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), and now has 14 co-sponsors. They are Sens. Max Baucus (D-MT), Boxer, Brownback, Robert Byrd (D-WV), Clinton, Jon Corzine (D-NJ), Christopher Dodd (D-CT), Jesse Helms (R-NC), Kennedy, Jon Kyl (R-AZ), Patrick Leahy (D-VT), Barbara Mikulski (D-MD), Reid and Torricelli. Helms’s Foreign Relations Committee quickly acted on the resolution, and reported it out of committee on April 3, although it has not yet gone before the full Senate.

Other New Bills All Positive

In contrast to the bills described above, several other, more positive, bills were introduced. Foremost among them was H.R. 1266, the new “Secret Evidence Repeal Bill,” introduced on March 28 by Rep. David Bonior (D-MI), with nine original co-sponsors. The bill’s officially stated purpose is “to ensure that no alien is removed, denied a benefit under the Immigration and Nationality Act, or otherwise deprived of liberty, based on evidence that is kept secret from the alien.” The bill was referred to the House Judiciary committee. The original co-sponsors were Reps. Bob Barr (R-GA), John Conyers (D-MI), Tom Davis (R-VA), John Dingell (D-MI), Maurice Hinchey (D-NY), Sheila Jackson-Lee (D-TX), Cynthia McKinney (D-GA), Patrick Toomey (R-PA), and Edolphus Towns (D-NY).

On Feb. 27, Conyers introduced the “Humanitarian Exports Leading to Peace” (H.E.L.P.) bill. It says that certain sanctions prohibiting trade with Iraq shall not apply with respect to the export of any food or other agricultural products (including fertilizer), medicines, medical supplies, instruments or equipment, or with respect to travel incident to the sale or delivery of these items. It also would replace the elaborate licensing procedure of the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control and the review process of the U.N. Sanctions Committee with a simple notification process. The bill now has 13 co-sponsors: Reps. Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Bonior, William Clay (D-MO), Jackson-Lee, William Jefferson (D-LA), Dennis Kucinich (D-OH), Barbara Lee (D-CA), Jim McDermott (D-WA), McKinney, Collin Peterson (D-MN), Bernard Sanders (I-VT), Louise Slaughter (D-NY), and Nydia Velazquez (D-NY).

Another positive, though expected, development was the introduction in both houses of bills designed to implement the U.S.-Jordan Free Trade agreement. On March 28, Sen. Baucus, with nine co-sponsors, introduced S. 643, the “U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Area Implementation” bill. The companion bill, H.R. 1484, was introduced in the House by Rep. Sander Levin (D-MI), with 22 co-sponsors, on April 4.

Earlier Bills Revisited

Of the two measures concerning Jerusalem described in the previous issue of the Washington Report, H.R. 598, containing the three provisions that effectively would amount to U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, has made no further progress, although those provisions may be included in the State Department Authorization bill when it is introduced. The second measure, H.Con.Res. 30, concerning moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem has gained 14 co-sponsors, in addition to the 16 named last issue. The new co-sponsors are Reps. Jeff Flake (R-AZ), Ernest Fletcher (R-KY), Vito Fossella (R-NY), Jim Gibbons (R-NV), Gilman, Sam Johnson (R-TX), Mark Kirk (R-IL), Donald Manzullo (R-IL), Tom Osborne (R-NE), Joseph Pitts (R-PA), Jim Ryun (R-KS), Adam Schiff (D-CA), Edward Schrock (R-VA), and Jim Sensenbrenner (R-WI). X

SIDEBAR #1

87 Senators, 190 Representatives Urge Reassessing Relations With Palestinians

The 87 senators who signed the letter to President Bush were Sens. Daniel Akaka (D-HI), Wayne Allard (R-CO), George Allen (D-VA), Max Baucus (D-MT), Evan Bayh (D-IN), Robert Bennett (R-UT), Joseph Biden (D-DE), Kit Bond (R-MO), Barbara Boxer (D-CA), John Breaux (D-LA), Sam Brownback (R-KS), Jim Bunning (R-KY), Conrad Burns (R-MT), Ben Nighthorse Campbell (R-CO), Maria Cantwell (D-WA), Jean Carnahan (D-MO), Thomas Carper (D-DE), Max Cleland (D-GA), Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-NY), Susan Collins (R-ME), Kent Conrad (D-ND), Jon Corzine (D-NJ), Larry Craig (R-ID), Mike Crapo (R-ID), Tom Daschle (D-SD), Mark Dayton (D-MN), Mike DeWine (R-OH), Chris Dodd (D-CT), Byron Dorgan (D-ND), Dick Durbin (D-IL), John Edwards (D-NC), John Ensign (R-NV), Mike Enzi (R-WY), Russell Feingold (D-WI), Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), Peter Fitzgerald (R-IL), Bill Frist (R-TN), Bob Graham (D-FL), Phil Gramm (R-TX), Charles Grassley (R-IA), Tom Harkin (D-IA), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Jesse Helms (R-NC), Ernest Hollings (D-SC), Tim Hutchinson (R-AR), Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-TX), Jim Inhofe (R-OK), Daniel Inouye (D-HI), Tim Johnson (D-SD), Edward Kennedy (D-MA), John Kerry (D-MA), Herb Kohl (D-WI), Jon Kyl (R-AZ), Mary Landrieu (D-LA), Carl Levin (D-MI), Joseph Lieberman (D-CT), Blanche Lincoln (D-AR), Trent Lott (R-MS), John McCain (R-AZ), Mitch McConnell (R-KY), Barbara Mikulski (D-MD), Zell Miller (D-GA), Frank Murkowski (R-AK), Patty Murray (D-WA), Ben Nelson (D-NE), Bill Nelson (D-FL), Don Nickles (R-OK), Jack Reed (D-RI), Harry Reid (D-NV), John D. Rockefeller IV (D-WV), Rick Santorum (R-PA), Paul Sarbanes (D-MD), Chuck Schumer (D-NY), Jeff Sessions (R-AL), Richard Shelby (R-AL), Bob Smith (R-NH), Gordon Smith (R-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), Arlen Specter (R-PA), Debbie Stabenow (D-MI), Ted Stevens (R-AK), Craig Thomas (R-WY), Fred Thompson (R-TN), Robert Torricelli (D-NJ), George Voinovich (R-OH), John Warner (R-VA), and Ron Wyden (D-OR).

The 190 House members who signed the letter to President Bush were Reps. Gary Ackerman (D-NY), Robert Aderholt (R-AL), Robert Andrews (D-NJ), Dick Armey (R-TX), Spencer Bachus (R-AL), Brian Baird (D-WA), Richard Baker (R-LA), Ken Bentsen (D-TX), Shelley Berkley (D-NV), Howard Berman (D-CA), Sanford Bishop (D-GA), Rod Blagojevich (D-IL), Roy Blunt (R-MO), Henry Bonilla (R-TX), Robert Borski (D-PA), Allen Boyd (D-FL), Kevin Brady (R-TX), Corrine Brown (D-FL), Henry Brown (R-SC), Sherrod Brown (D-OH), Ed Bryant (R-TN), Steve Buyer (R-IN), Sonny Callahan (R-AL), Chris Cannon (R-UT), Eric Cantor (R-VA), Benjamin Cardin (D-MD), Brad Carson (D-OK), Michael Castle (R-DE), Steve Chabot (R-OH), Saxby Chambliss (R-GA), Robert Clement (D-TN), Howard Coble (R-NC), Mac Collins (R-GA), Jerry Costello (D-IL), Bud Cramer (D-AL), Ander Crenshaw (R-FL), Joseph Crowley (D-NY), John Culberson (R-TX), Jim Davis (D-FL), Jo Ann Davis (R-VA), Tom Davis (R-VA), Diana DeGette (D-CO), Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), Tom DeLay (R-TX), Peter Deutsch (D-FL), Lincoln Diaz-Balart (R-FL), Norman Dicks (D-WA), Calvin Dooley (D-CA), John Doolittle (R-CA), Vernon Ehlers (R-MI), Jo Ann Emerson (R-MO), Eliot Engel (D-NY), Phil English (R-PA), Anna Eshoo (D-CA), Bob Etheridge (D-NC), Lane Evans (D-IL), Mike Ferguson (R-NJ), Bob Filner (D-CA), Jeff Flake (R-AZ), Ernie Fletcher (R-KY), Mark Foley (R-FL), Harold Ford (D-TN), Vito Fossella (R-NY), Rodney Frelinghuysen (R-NJ), Martin Frost (D-TX), Greg Ganske (R-IA), Richard Gephardt (D-MO), Jim Gibbons (R-NV), Benjamin Gilman (R-NY), Charles Gonzales (D-TX), Bart Gordon (D-TN), Lindsey Graham (R-SC), Sam Graves (R-MO), Gene Green (D-TX), Mark Green (R-WI), Felix Grucci (R-NY), Luis Gutierrez (D-IL), Jane Harman (D-CA), Melissa Hart (R-PA), Robin Hayes (R-NC), J.D. Hayworth (R-AZ), Van Hilleary (R-TN), Joseph Hoeffel (D-PA), Michael Honda (D-CA), Stephen Horn (R-CA), Steny Hoyer (D-MD), Asa Hutchinson (R-AR), Henry Hyde (R-IL), Steve Israel (D-NY), Stephanie Tubbs Jones (D-OH), Ric Keller (R-FL), Sue Kelly (R-NY), Mark Kennedy (R-MN), Patrick Kennedy (D-RI), Peter King (R-NY), Jack Kingston (R-GA), Mark Kirk (R-IL), Nick Lampson (D-TX), James Langevin (D-RI), Tom Lantos (D-CA), Steve Largent (R-OK), Rick Larsen (R-WA), John Larson (D-CT), Steven LaTourette (R-OH), Jim Leach (R-IA), Sander Levin (D-MI), John Lewis (D-GA), John Linder (R-GA), Frank LoBiondo (R-NJ), Nita Lowey (D-NY), Carolyn Maloney (D-NY), James Maloney (D-CT) Donald Manzullo (R-IL), Robert Matsui (D-CA), Carolyn McCarthy (D-NY), Jim McCrery (R-LA), Mike McIntyre (D-NC), Buck McKeon (R-CA), Michael McNulty (D-NY), Dan Miller (R-FL), Gary Miller (R-CA), Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), Anne Northup (R-KY), Eleanor Holms Norton (D-DC), Jim Nussle (R-IA), Doug Ose (R-CA), Butch Otter (R-ID), Major Owens (D-NY), Frank Pallone (D-NJ), Ed Pastor (D-AZ), Mike Pence (R-IN), Collin Peterson (D-MN), John Peterson (R-PA), David Phelps (D-IL), Chip Pickering (R-MS), Todd Platts (R-PA), Richard Pombo (R-CA), Jack Quinn (R-NY), Jim Ramstad (R-MN), Dennis Rehberg (R-MT), Thomas Reynolds (R-NY), Bob Riley (R-AL), Ciro Rodriguez (D-TX), Mike Rogers (R-MI), Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), Mike Ross (D-AZ), Steven Rothman (D-NJ), Marge Roukema (R-NJ), Paul Ryan (R-WI), Jim Ryun (R-KS), Max Sandlin (D-TX), Jim Saxton (R-NJ), Janice Schakowsky (D-IL), Adam Schiff (D-CA), Rober Scott (D-VA), Pete Sessions (R-TX), John Shadegg (R-AZ), Clay Shaw (R-FL), Christopher Shays (R-CT), Brad Sherman (D-CA), John Shimkus (R-IL), Ronnie Shows (D-MS), Rob Simmons (R-CT), Chris Smith (R-NJ), Mark Souder (R-IN), Ted Strickland (D-OH), Bart Stupak (D-MI), John Sweeney (R-NY), Thomas Tancredo (R-CO), Lee Terry (R-NE), Todd Tiahrt (R-KS), Patrick Tiberi (R-OH), John Tierney (D-MA), Edolphus Towns (D-NY), Jim Turner (D-TX), Mark Udall (D-CO), Peter Visclosky (D-IN), David Vitter (R-LA), Zach Wamp (R-TN), J.C. Watts (R-OK), Henry Waxman (D-CA), Anthony Weiner (D-NY), Dave Weldon (R-FL), Jerry Weller (R-IL), Robert Wexler (D-FL), Roger Wicker (R-MS), Lynn Woolsey (D-CA), David Wu (D-OR), Albert Wynn (D-MD), and Don Young (R-AK). —S.M.

SIDEBAR #2

A Letter to Former Congressional Colleagues

To All Members of the U.S. House of Representatives, March 22, 2001.

I was a 22-year veteran of Congress—1961-83—and one who continues to follow Middle East events closely.

I have just learnt, to my dismay and astonishment, that a Dear Colleague letter is being circulated by Chairman Henry J. Hyde and Ranking Minority Member Tom Lantos of the Committee on International Relations that urges President Bush to “reassess U.S. relations with the Palestinians,” reaffirm America’s opposition to a unilaterally declared Palestinian state,” and bar Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat from meeting with “high-level officials in Washington.” It also suggests that Bush consider closing the PLO office in Washington.

I beg of you. Do not sign that letter. If the contents of that letter should become U.S. policy, our government will be scorning the rule of law and consigning U.S. Middle East policy to the Dark Ages. It is simple common sense for U.S. officials to maintain a high level of communication with both Arafat and Sharon.

Ariel Sharon’s hands are bloodier than even the late Prime Minister Menachem Begin’s, because of his complicity in the terrible massacre of Palestinians in refugee camps in Beirut during the Begin regime. Although it is necessary for Washington to deal with Sharon, he deserves to be hauled before the World Court and tried for war crimes.

The Hyde-Lantos letter tries to portray Israel as the victim, not the guilty party.

Israel is a scofflaw state. East Jerusalem, the West Bank, the Gaza District, and the Golan Heights were seized by Israeli forces in violation of the U.N. Charter and long-revered principles of international law against the acquisition of territory by force of arms. Every Jewish settlement is an explicit violation of the rule of law.

The so-called concessions offered during Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s last days in office would have effectively foreclosed all hope of viable statehood for the Palestinians. They would have left Israel permanently in charge of the entirety of Jerusalem, as well as the West Bank and Gaza. They would have given de jure, as well as de facto, status to settlements and to the network of Israeli highways within Palestine.

Instead of warning against a unilateral declaration of independent statehood by the Palestinians, the U.S. government should announce its unequivocal support for a Palestinian state that is viable, that is, one that controls its own borders and all the territory within the borders, including the settlement outposts that Israel now treats as outposts of its own sovereignty.

At long last, the United States government should speak up for the rule of law in the Middle East and for the fundamental human rights of the Palestinian people. It should cease to be the uncomplaining lifeline to Israeli regimes that treat the Palestinians as unworthy of basic human rights. As long as the U.S. government provides Israel with unconditional aid, the Israeli government has no need to end its subjugation of the Palestinian people.

Just as long, Palestinians—devoid of all hope and desperate—will turn to terrible violence. And, sadly, some of that violence may be turned against America, because our government has long been complicit in Israel’s violation of Palestinian human rights.

Paul Findley, Jacksonville, IL

Shirl McArthur is a retired career foreign service officer and a consultant in the Washington, DC area.