Jordan Journal

Parliamentary Election Postponement Mirrors Amman’s Fears of Public Outburst in Support of Intifada

By Samaa Abu Sharar

Jordan certainly has been experiencing a hot summer. Months of speculation and rumor about the holding of general parliamentary elections were quashed when the government announced it will delay the elections for 10 months, until next August.

“When the government concludes the necessary arrangements, parliamentary elections will be held without delay,” said Jordan’s King Abdallah in a recent interview with state television. The king was responding to Jordanians’ criticism of the July 24 Royal Decree delaying general elections. On June 17 King Abdallah had dissolved the Jordanian parliament.

The government of Prime Minister Ali Abul Ragheb recommended the delay in light of newly introduced cosmetic changes in the 2001 temporary elections law. According to the government, the changes, which were coldly received, would require months to implement. Therefore the elections, constitutionally mandated for November 2001, were put back until late next year.

According to Minister of Interior Awad Khleifat, electoral procedures account for the delay. The issuing of electoral identity cards for some two and three-quarter million citizens requires five months, the minister said, and registration of names for those eligible to vote will take 10 months.

Jordanians, however, are not convinced by the government’s reasons for postponing the elections, and legal experts and political analysts view the justifications as unconvincing. “If we were in China,” said attorney Inam Abdel Hadi. “I would understand it requires such a long time, but Jordan is a small country of around five million people.”

According to former Lower House deputy Mahmmoud Al Kharabsheh, “The king may only postpone holding general elections if a force majeure occurs in which it is impossible to hold polling. Force majeure involves wars, occupation or natural disasters,” noted the deputy, “and none of these factors are applicable to the current situation.”

Speculation about the real reasons for the delay was rife. Political observers believe it is purely political and has nothing to do with administrative procedure.

Samih Al Ma’aytah, a columnist for the Arabic daily Al Arab Al Youm and an expert on parliamentary affairs, suggests the delay is related to the political situation in the region. “The intifada and Israel’s continuous aggression against the Palestinian people is the real reason behind the postponement,” he wrote.

Islamists are known to oppose the peace treaty with Israel.

The official stance, of course, has been wholeheartedly in support of the Palestinian intifada. Behind the scenes, however, the regime has other considerations. Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1994, and holding parliamentary elections at this time could jeopardize the truce between the two countries.

In addition, the dissolved parliament was viewed by many as a mere puppet of the government, adopting the great majority of its policies. A new election might have resulted in an opposition parliament that could cause the government much headache.

Islamists were expected to sweep the elections and lead the opposition in parliament. Explained opposition deputy Dr. Nazih Ammarin, “The elections of the professional associations have always been an important barometer of the mood of the Jordanian public.” At present Jordan’s professional associations are controlled by Islamists.

They are known to oppose the peace treaty with Israel and have on occasion—especially since the eruption of the current intifada—demanded that the government sever relations with the Jewish state.

“A parliament is expected to preserve the political balance in the country,” commented Al Arab Al Youm’s Al Ma’aytah,“and the election of a new legislative body would not serve that purpose at this time.”

According to the columnist, a new parliament was expected to drastically oppose the policies of the Jordanian government, especially in regard to its relations with Israel. Deputy Ammarin agrees. He believes the government fears the introduction of radical changes in Jordan’s political map and thus opted to postpone the elections.

Jordan and Egypt, the only two Arab countries to have signed peace treaties with Israel, have strongly rejected any talk of breaking relations with Israel since the start of the uprising in the occupied territories. Amman and Cairo have banned demonstrations in support of the intifada—as have many other Arab regimes—to avoid outbursts of emotions in the boiling Arab street.

Holding elections at this time could endanger the demonstration ban that the Jordanian government has managed to impose on its people since the start of the intifada. Election campaigns go hand-in-hand with public gatherings, which the government fears could lead to pro-intifada rallies. “The election season paves the way for popular gatherings that could incite the Jordanian street, which opposes the official stance, especially in regard to relations with Israel,” noted Al Ma’aytah.

Temporarily Unaccountable

Former deputy Al Kharabsheh believes postponement of the elections serves the government well, since in the absence of a legislative body it will not be accountable to anyone. “It’s true the dissolved parliament was considered to be the puppet of the government,” he said, “but there were a few voices in the wilderness.”

Toujan Faisal, the only woman deputy to win a seat in the 1993 parliamentary elections, believes such moves by the government are not undermining the opposition, but the government itself. “The government is only complicating the situation in Jordan by strengthening the position and rhetoric of Islamists,” noted the liberal deputy.

Jordanians fear the legislative vacuum could lead to further deterioration of their country’s tenuous political and economic conditions. According to Faisal, the Jordanian street is boiling and is ready to explode. “King Abdallah needs to quickly reconsider his government’s policies,” said the outspoken former deputy, because the present situation could lead to a coup d’état.”

Samaa Abu Sharar is a free-lance journalist based in Amman.