Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, September-October
2002, pages 10, 74
Jerusalem Journal
A State for All Its Citizens—One Palestinian’s Dream
of Peace
By Samah Jabr
For the past two years I have longed to be able to spend a Sunday
in New York’s Central Park. I remember it as a place where people
of every color, race and creed enjoy the blossom of pink spring
flowers. The park’s wonderful configuration of elm trees provided
shade for a diversity of people: Chinese giving backrubs; Africans
selling their crafts on the sidewalks; a gorgeous black model in
a flimsy dress sitting next to a young white man; an Eastern-looking
scholar with a long beard and a short cloak leaning on the grass
and enjoying his privacy; young boys with kippas playing competitively
on their skateboards; sporty women in every possible outfit and
hairstyle, looking after little kids, jogging or walking their dogs
along the green grass. It is a diversity in which I revel.
South Africa, too, is a rainbow nation. After the defeat of constitutional
prejudice and the barriers of apartheid, South Africa is on the
right path for peace. Freedom was the first step—now the battle
for advancement, and against crime and disease goes on.
I yearn for these places precisely because, just as the walls
have come down in South Africa, they are being raised in my homeland.
The most infamous of these is the huge wall being established on
the illusory Green Line separating Israeli-inhabited areas from
Palestinians and their homes. Those of us who live here know that
walls do not reduce violence or stop Israeli tanks or Palestinian
bombers. They do, however, separate those of us who are willing
to meet each other. Walls emphasize stereotypes and deepen the sectarian
hatred and animosity on both sides. Walls are being built here to
shatter into pieces our dream of peace.
You may be surprised to know that I am speaking here not of a
physical structure, but of the “two-state solution.” These days
my ears are full of the region’s cries of war that grow ever louder
with time. But the “peace” that the world and the Israeli left wish
upon us is based on walls: a two-state proposal that is misleadingly
or mistakenly being called a “solution.”
This “solution” will only maintain the exclusivity of occupation
and propagate Zionism’s profound inequality in land proportion and
resources, water, economy, advancement and—most importantly—military,
between the two states. This is a “solution” that will reward the
foreign occupiers by awarding them legal status and normal relationships
in the Middle East, while giving us Palestinians bits and pieces
of our homeland, cantons that are separated from each other by Jewish-only
settlements and their safe roads.
This two-state “solution” advocates a demilitarized “Palestinian
state” that has no direct borders with any of its Arab neighbors
but instead is surrounded by the Middle East’s only nuclear power.
A “transient state,” says the American administration, that will
be bestowed on one condition: that we Palestinians behave and “elect”
a “reformed” and “democratic” authority (by “Israeli-American” standards)—and
that only after another three more years of occupation.
And so, while Israel continues bringing its 2,000-year “refugees”
to this land, and extolling its war criminals as national heroes
and electing them prime minister, we Palestinians are expected to
give up the right of return to over 60 percent of the Palestinian
nation, to abandon our political prisoners and to condemn our freedom
fighters. Instead of the single infamous Jericho Casino, the new
Palestinian Authority might build a dozen, and we’ll continue having
no factories, no infrastructure and no basic elements of independence.
The two-state “solution” does not meet any minimal ambition of
peace, freedom and a dignified future for Palestinians. It jeopardizes
our basic human and national rights of self-sovereignty. Except
for municipal matters like collecting our own garbage, our nation
will be totally dependent on the state of Israel. And we will be
expected to do something in return, like collecting the garbage
of the “neighbors,” washing their dishes and continuing to provide
cheap labor to our tormentors and oppressors.
For these reasons, the two-state “solution” has a very poor prognosis.
Yes, it can impose a truce and temporary stability—but not a real
peace. The profound inequality on which it is based will bring recurrent
flare-ups of violence in the not-too-distant future.
Its poor chance of success is not the only reason to oppose it,
however. I oppose it because it has no appeal to the average Palestinian.
We all know that it is simply a less ugly mask of occupation that
will make the Israelis look more beautiful to the world, while continuing
to oppress us—to the world’s silence. This “solution” has been introduced
as a means of making Palestinians bow to the inevitable.
The Palestinians are a cosmopolitan nation, however. We are the
descendants of a mixture of cultures and civilizations that have
lived in this land since the Stone Age. We have Canaanite, Semite,
Aramaic, Arab, Turkish, African and European blood in our veins.
Here we were born, and here our forefathers have lived. A common
history, a common passion for the one homeland and the same bleeding
wound unite us.
We are not xenophobic or exclusive. We are Muslims, Christians,
indigenous Jews, Baha’is and Druze. Over the centuries our doors
were open to foreigners. The Armenians fleeing genocide found shelter
among Palestinians, Africans came to Palestine as pilgrims, were
caught by the magic of Jerusalem and have stayed here ever since.
The early Jewish immigrants fleeing persecution were accepted within
the Palestinian community, worked with Palestinians, lived in their
towns, and intermarried with them. According to the Palestinian
National Charter, the document that lays out our national principles,
Jews who immigrated to Palestine before the1948 Nakba are still
considered Palestinians.
Unlike the Armenian refugees, however, the European Zionist Jews
brought with them their guns and a vile colonialist agenda. They
came to claim Palestinian land as their territory and to shove the
Palestinians away to create room for more and more occupiers. The
international community shamelessly supported the occupation to
rid itself of their own “Jewish problem” at home.
Our rejection of the Zionist project is based on the rejection
of foreign occupation, the unjust partition plan and the theft of
our homeland and resources—not to mention the human crimes that
have been committed to realize the Jewish dream of an exclusive
state.
Although any nation would demand that foreign occupiers take their
guns and luggage and go home, I do acknowledge that the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict is very complex. The emergence of two generations of Israelis
born in the land their forefathers occupied makes thing infinitely
more confused. It means that this conflict will not be solved until
we recognize the presence and the humanity of the other, rectify
the wounds of the past, acknowledge the wrong that has been done
to Palestinians and then undo those wrongs as best we can.
As the human crisis in occupied Palestine haunts me, and a humanistic,
just solution to it puzzles me, I recall the joy of diversity and
peace in Central Park and South Africa. Hope for me lies in a multi-national,
multi-ethnic pluralistic democratic state of historic Palestine
for all its citizens. Palestinians who were born in Palestine, the
descendants of those dispossessed and expelled by military force,
those Israelis born in the land, and the Jews who arrived here before
the Israeli occupation, rather than the immigrant occupiers, all
have the moral right to live in a free, democratic Palestine as
equal citizens; in which one person equals one vote.
Zionists and their friends will say that what I am proposing means
their extermination. “You are asking us to commit mass suicide,”
one Israeli “peacemaker” told me. In fact, I’m calling for their
moral and ethical liberation from the sin of occupation, for their
freedom from pathological fear and the neurosis of security, all
the while restoring their human rights as equal citizens in a free
country.
Fundamental Palestinian Demands
The right of return should be restored to our refugees—it is up
to them whether they exercise it or not. Freedom to all our political
prisoners is a cardinal pillar to peace in the region. War criminals
should be tried and punished for their actions. As for the occupiers
and their collaborators in the Palestinian community, a workable
solution based on respect for human rights and international law
should be negotiated.
While this is not an easy solution, it is the closest there is
to earthly justice. It must be implemented slowly but surely (as
opposed to just slowly), to prepare the Palestinians to accept their
oppressors as equal citizens, and to prepare the Israelis for shedding
their privileges that rest on exploitation in order to earn their
acceptance as equal citizens.
This is not my fantasy of peace—it is my hope of peace. The undoing
of colonization has been achieved throughout history. South Africa
is a living example of the triumph of hope and reconciliation over
oppression and prejudice. Palestine can be the latest such inspiration.
I’m not every Palestinian, but neither am I alone among Palestinians.
I’m a voice of hope willing to speak out when other voices are caught
up in fear and despair. My call is a call of humanity and freedom
that has not been silenced through intimidation or temptation, and
never will be. Even when I am denied many of my very basic human
rights, I choose to exercise the right to hope for and dream of
a better future for a home and a people I so dearly love.
Samah Jabr is a medical intern in her native city of Jerusalem. |