Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, September-October
2002, pages 75-78
Other People’s Mail
Some letters by or to other people are as informative for our
readers as anything we might write ourselves.
U.S. Offers No Evidence
To The Boston Globe, July 30, 2002 (as published).
Scott Ritter, in “Is Iraq a true threat to the U.S.?” (op ed,
July 20), says that the evidence suggests that Iraq is not a threat
and is unlikely to become one. President Bush holds the opposite
opinion but has not offered convincing supporting evidence.
This is odd because the United States has subjected Iraq to close
surveillance by electronic interceptions, secret agents, aircraft,
and satellites for 12 years and has monitored imports and exports
carefully for many years. This is in addition to full implementation
of the on-the-ground weapons inspections from 1994-98.
If Iraq now poses such a threat to the United States that preemptive
war is necessary, then public documentation of the evidence is required
as a first step. But the evidence notwithstanding, preemptive war
cannot be justified. First, the intentions of a government cannot
be known exactly, and a people cannot be punished for actions not
yet undertaken. Second, better instruments exist, one of which is
deterrence. Deterrence served well against the Soviet Union, a much
more formidable opponent than Iraq.
The current rulers of Iraq may be repressive and anti-American,
but they are not crazy. In any case, the United States has often
worked with and cut deals with repressive dictatorships, the latest
being Pakistan’s, which does possess an atomic bomb, a weapon that
Iraq surely lacks. So there is perhaps even a better game than deterrence.
Thoms C. Hollocher, Sudbury, MA
Inspectors Bush’s Biggest Fear
To The Guardian, July 23, 2002 (as published online).
Former U.N. humanitarian coordinator in Iraq Hans von Sponeck
asks whether “it really is too far-fetched to suggest that the U.S.
government does not want U.N. arms inspectors back in Iraq.” The
answer is, plainly, no.
Indeed, the U.S. is doing its level best to sabotage the resumption
of inspections: refusing to give assurances—sought by Iraqi officials—to
call off their planned military campaign if weapons inspections
are resumed; explicitly stating that “regardless of what the inspectors
do...the U.S. reserves its option to do whatever it believes might
be appropriate to see if there can be a regime change” (Colin Powell);
and trying (unsuccessfully) to dig dirt on U.N. weapons chief Hans
Blix in an attempt to rubbish the inspectorate before it even gets
to Iraq.
The reality is that, in the words of one top Senate foreign policy
aide, the return of weapons inspectors to Iraq is “the White House’s
biggest fear,” since it would impede their illegal military plans.
Andrea Needham, Voices in the Wilderness, UK
Before We Go to War
To The Washington Post, July 20, 2002 (as published).
Michael Kinsley’s July 12 op-ed piece about war with Iraq [“Who
Wants This War?”] sent shivers through me as it brought back memories
of being drafted in the spring of 1967 and sent to Vietnam with
the infantry in early 1968. With each step in the draft process—the
dreaded letter in the mailbox, the physical (the only exam in your
life you wanted to fail), the swearing in, the training at Ft. Leonard
Wood, Mo., and Ft. Polk, La., and the seemingly endless journey
to Southeast Asia—I thought to myself: “The leaders in this country
will come to their senses and put an end to this war before I ever
have to fight.” As we know, they didn’t.
With each article I read advocating war with Iraq—Kinsley’s antiwar
piece is an exception—I think to myself: “The leaders in this country
will come to their senses before sending our soldiers off to die
in Iraq with no support from our traditional allies, no support
from the Arab world and no connection between Iraq and Sept. 11.”
Yet the president, at the urging of a small group of the Washington
policy establishment, continues to make plans of war. And he does
so with little questioning from an indifferent public and a compliant
Congress.
But there is still a Constitution that requires a declaration
of war, a declaration that, if adopted, presumably will be preceded
by a debate. The president, the Congress and the men and women of
our armed forces are sworn to uphold the Constitution. I hope the
president and Congress are as faithful to their oath as the members
of our armed forces.
Thomas E. McMahon, Reston, VA
Europe Sees No Iraqi Threat
To The Washington Times, July 30, 2002 (as published).
While Germans, and Europeans generally, regard Saddam Hussain’s
government as a vicious tyranny, there are far fewer who agree that
he poses the sort of threat to America, much less Europe, outlined
by President Bush (“Germany, reality and Saddam,” Editorial, Saturday).
The real reasons that neither Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder nor
his conservative Bavarian opponent Edmund Stoiber are saying much
about the issue are that most Germans do not believe in the supposed
threat from Iraq (and even fewer believe that it is a European problem),
and most of the political leadership there is profoundly skeptical
but unwilling to embarrass the United States government by openly
criticizing its gallivanting, bizarre foreign policy. Germany is
also constrained by economic sluggishness, domestic political criticism
within the current governing coalition and spending constraints
imposed by the EU, so its participation or support in any American
campaign would be largely rhetorical and moral. The Germans are
not at all naive about terrorism—which they have been fighting,
in various forms, longer than us—and they have been one of our best
allies in fighting al-Qaeda. The United States would be extremely
foolish to jeopardize or strain that alliance in order to satisfy
an inexplicable vendetta against Iraq.
Daniel Larison, Albuquerque, NM
Twisted Logic of Iraq Attack
To the Los Angeles Times, July 31, 2002 (as published).
Ehud Sprinzak and Robert J. Lieber (“Oust Saddam First, Then Pursue
Peace,” Opinion, July 28) are, in their own words, “180-degrees
wrong” when they ask us to believe that a U.S. attack on Iraq is
somehow necessary to make Israel “feel more secure in making the
necessary concessions for a viable peace with the Palestinians.”
This is twisted logic, putting the cart before the horse.
How does suppressing Palestinian national aspirations with a brutal
occupation have anything to do with a threat from Iraq? It certainly
does not make Israel safer from Iraqi threats. The opposite approach,
ending the occupation and making peace with the Palestinians, would
take away one of the excuses Saddam Hussain uses to rally support
in the Arab states.
Furthermore, if Sprinzak and Lieber really want to identify “post-Oslo
rejectionists,” all they have to do is look at Ariel Sharon. The
authors would do well to clean their own house before pushing the
U.S. to clean Iraq’s.
A.S. Nassar, Pasadena, CA
Building Bridges
To the San Francisco Chronicle, July 30, 2002 (as published
online).
Your article, “Internal conflict for progressive American Jews”
(July 29), showed only part of the picture, mostly drawn from academicians.
Although some “liberal” Jews are withdrawing, others are actively
working for reconciliation and justice.
The evening before your article appeared, we were invited to Congregation
Kol Emeth in Palo Alto to hear Orthodox Jew Eliyahu McLean and Muslim
Ibrahim Abu El Hawa from Jerusalem describe their inspiring efforts
in building bridges between Israelis and Arabs.
The Jewish-Palestinian Dialogue movement is rapidly growing in
numbers and influence in cities and campuses across America.
Your readers would want to know that many progressive Jews are
reaching out beyond their familiar circles to include Palestinians
and other Arabs. All of us, regardless of religion or origin, must
remember that we share a common human heritage and the Earth is
our homeland.
Florence Beier, San Mateo, CA
Israel’s Second-Class Citizens
To The Boston Globe, July 29, 2002 (as published online).
In his column “Jews and Arabs, together” (op ed, July 18) Jeff
Jacoby claims that Israel guarantees “the equality and freedom of
its Arab minority.” Since Arabs have “every right” to live in Israel,
Jewish settlers should be allowed to live in the Israeli-occupied
Palestinian West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza, especially since
“nothing in international law prohibits” Jews from living there.
However, Palestinian Muslim and Christian citizens of Israel are
second-class citizens in every way, as documented by U.S. and Israeli
human rights groups. Indeed, if Jews suffered such discrimination
in any state, that country would be deemed “anti-Semitic.” Further,
as Jacoby knows, Israel refuses to allow Palestinians who were driven
out of Israel in 1948 to return.
As for the settlers, the Fourth Geneva Convention, which governs
Israel’s actions in the occupied lands, makes clear that Jewish
settlements in those lands are illegal. The return of the settlers
to Israel would be a major step toward peace and would allow Palestinians
to regain the water and land resources stolen from them by Israel
for use by settlers.
Israel is treating Palestinians as the white Europeans treated
Native Americans. Such actions are to be condemned in both cases.
The Rev. Raymond A. Low, Rector, St. Luke’s Episcopal Church,
Scituate, MA
Israeli Land Bias
To the San Francisco Chronicle, July 18, 2002 (as published
online).
The news article, “Israeli land-sale proposal shelved” (July 15),
rightly questions whether a truly democratic state may choose to
discriminate against a portion of its populace by denying that group
equal access to land.
However, the writer (Henry Chu of the Los Angeles Times)
is wrong in saying that “Arabs, through tradition and solidarity,
live in their own villages.”
Palestinian citizens of Israel have since the day Israel was founded
been denied the opportunity to buy or rent approximately 92 percent
of the land in Israel proper.
The Jewish Agency, a private organization, was appointed by the
state in 1948 to administer all state-owned lands. The agency in
turn openly stated that all lands it administered would be reserved
for the sole use of the Jewish people. Palestinian (Arab) Israelis
live in “their own villages” because these tiny spots are the only
lands not administered by the Jewish Agency.
Lorraine Mann, Berkeley, CA
Sharon’s Peace
To the Los Angeles Times, July 25, 2002 (as published).
Re “Israeli Airstrike in Gaza Strip Kills 12,” July 23: The continuing
siege and enforced curfew of Palestinians will never bring the security
that Ariel Sharon promised Israeli voters (by 100 days) after his
election. He is not a man of peace. He either does not know how
or is unwilling to bring it about. The latest example is the assassination
of a Hamas leader (plus the deaths of 14 others and the wounding
of many).
The raid was carried out after Hamas’ spiritual leader publicly
said his group would call off suicide attacks if Sharon would pull
back his forces from the West Bank. Is there the political will
and wisdom in Washington to bring the violence to an end? We have
the means to do it. Or are the president and the majority in Congress
beholden to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee and the
conservative Christian coalitions?
The people of Israel and Palestine deserve the chance to live
their lives in peace and possibility.
Marie Cardwell, Seal Beach, CA
Impose a Solution
To the San Francisco Chronicle, June 24, 2002 (as published
online).
President Bush is rightly fearful of the political consequences
of decisive intervention in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Meanwhile,
the sickening death toll on both sides mounts day by day, and the
intifada/reoccupation vendettas are radicalizing not only the Palestinians
but the entire Islamic Mideast, threatening dire consequences.
It is clear that the two sides cannot settle their differences
and that outside intervention is required, just as it was in Kosovo.
It is time for the United States to call for either NATO or the
United Nations to separate the two parties and impose a permanent
solution.
Indeed, if the United States had acted earlier, Islamic militants
might have ceased viewing America as simply the ally of Israel and
Sept. 11 might never have happened.
Dick Kidd, Corte Madera, CA
Halt Military Aid to Israel
To The Christian Science Monitor, June 27, 2002 (as published).
Last December, the Defense Department signed off on the sale of
52 F-16 fighter jets and 106 million gallons of jet fuel to Israel
through the Foreign Military Sales program (earning Lockheed Martin
$1.3 billion and Valero Energy $95 million). If this doesn’t constitute
a green light to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to continue his siege
of Palestine, it certainly enables it.
While the administration complains about Iran shipping small-arms
weapons to the PLO, it’s beyond dispute that Israel is armed to
the teeth with U.S.-made weapons. If President Bush is sincere about
his call for an Israeli withdrawal and Palestinian statehood, then
he should suspend military aid to Israel.
S. Melmouth, Peoria, AZ
British Arms to Israel
To The Guardian, July 10, 2002 (as published online).
Being a very worried Israeli, I am appalled by the decision to
allow exports of F-16 components to Israel. This decision shows
the British government’s nice words about helping both sides in
the Middle East to reach peace as hypocrisy.
Lifting the de facto arms embargo on Israel may do a favor to
Sharon, but it sure does no favor to us, ordinary Israelis.
Tirza Waisel, London, UK
Illegal Intel Plant
To the San Francisco Chronicle, July 9, 2002 (as submitted).
Thanks for publishing Henry Norr’s article (7/8/2002) on Intel
building its Israeli plant on land Israel took illegally from the
native Palestinians. This is symptomatic of one of the greatest
problems facing an honest resolution of the Middle East crisis.
The right of refugees to return is enshrined in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights (Article 13), the Covenant on Civil and Economic
Rights, U.N. Resolutions (e.g. UNGA 194), and elemental justice.
An overwhelming body of data now clearly demonstrates how and
why the catastrophic situation of Palestinian refugees was created
and perpetuated by Zionist colonization and expansion (what today
we would call ethnic cleansing). This history is now even attested
to by leading Zionist intellectuals and historians. The refusal
to remedy the situation remains anchored in racist and supremacist
insistence on the desire for a homogenous “Jewish state.” After
all, research showed that the right of refugees to return to their
homes and lands is not only legal and right but also feasible. From
a human rights perspective, perhaps we should listen to Amnesty
International, which stated:
“In Israel, for example, several laws are explicitly discriminatory.
These can be traced back to Israel’s foundation in 1948 ....Various
areas of Israeli law discriminate against Palestinians. The Law
of Return, for instance, provides automatic Israeli citizenship
for Jewish immigrants, whereas Palestinian refugees who were born
and raised in what is now Israel are denied even the right to return
home. Other statutes explicitly grant preferential treatment to
Jewish citizens in areas such as education, public housing, health,
and employment” (Racism and the Administration of Justice Report
by AI 2001, also found at http://www.amnestyusa.org/stoptorture/
racismreport.pdf).
Companies that invest in Israel are helping Israel to liquidate
this basic human right.
Mazin B. Qumsiyeh, Co-founder, Palestine Right to Return Coalition.
Destructive Caterpillars
To Benjamin Cordani, Director of Social Responsibility, Caterpillar,
Inc., July 3, 2002.
My family and I are involved in social justice initiatives and
are dedicated to a just and peaceful solution to the crisis between
the Palestinians and Israelis in the occupied territories.
We are increasingly aware of the destructiveness that is brought
to bear in the occupied territories by demolition teams, using both
Caterpillar bulldozers and German Merkavah IV tanks.
By now, you should know that Germany has decided to stop selling
motors and other replacement parts to keep the Israeli tanks running.
Germany’s decision is based on its opposition to Israel’s war against
the Palestinians on their own land.
Bulldozers bearing the Caterpillar name join the Merkavah tanks
in ripping through homes and municipal buildings, tearing up water
and sewage mains, and destroying roads and acres of planted vegetables
and olive trees. The homes are lived in by families whose ties with
any militant person or group are not even known. Destruction is
random and vindictive against innocent people. More and more Palestinians
are thus made homeless. And Caterpillar equipment is a part of this
demolition and dispossession.
Your reputation for Social Responsibility is declining as more
and more countries realize that your equipment is serving as adjunctive
attacking armor. We ask you to place on hold all orders from Israel
for new Caterpillar equipment, and stop selling replacement parts
to the Israeli government until a true peace process is begun and
Israel pulls totally out of the occupied territories.
Norman and Sheila Linton and Family, Louisville, KY
Dismantling Dummy Outposts
To The Washington Post, July 17, 2002 (as published).
David Makovsky [“A Reward for Reform,” op-ed, July 10] said, “Israeli
Defense Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer has started taking down a
few outposts—including trailer homes abandoned since the start of
the Sharon government.”
Mr. Makovsky did not report that Zvi Handel, a member of the Knesset,
has admitted that nine of the 11 dismantled outposts were hastily
fabricated sites. These dummy outposts were assembled to deflect
action against the more than 70 actual illegal outposts that have
been established since Binyamin Netanyahu’s administration. Israel’s
way of dealing with this form of illegal expansion by enterprising
settlers has been to evacuate or freeze a few symbolic outposts
only to allow them to be reconstituted later. Considering Israel’s
policy history concerning outposts Mr. Makovsky’s “good start” is
a nonstarter.
Susan Miller, Philadelphia, PA
Transfer Is Ethnic Cleansing
To The Christian Science Monitor, July 16, 2002 (as published).
Letter writer Lawrence Cranberg uses only a partial definition
of “ethnic cleansing” when refuting that the term can apply to the
transfer of Palestinians (Readers Write, July 11). [Editor’s note:
The definition includes both expulsion and mass execution.] The
reason that mass murder is largely associated with the term is because
it is difficult, if not impossible, to remove people from their
longtime (and rightful) homes by force without killing a great many
of them!
Rest assured that if the Israelis attempt to carry out the proposed
“transfer” of the Palestinians from their homes in the West Bank,
there will undoubtedly be massacres in Palestine just as there were
in Bosnia.
Avilee Goodwin, Richmond, CA
Israel’s Peace Initiative
To The New York Times, July 12, 2002 (as published).
I was gravely disappointed to read about the closing of Sari Nusseibeh’s
office in Jerusalem (“The Wrong Target,” editorial, July 11). With
both President Bush and Ariel Sharon’s administration calling for
reform and change in the Palestinian government, it seems counterproductive
at best, dangerous and provocative at worst, to raid and confiscate
all the possessions of the leading voice for peace and moderation
that the Palestinian people have to offer. Dr. Nusseibeh, the Palestinian
Authority’s representative in Jerusalem, is precisely the type of
person whom the seekers of peace want to be dealing with.
With this current action, the Sharon government is calling into
question whether it is actually seeking peace. Dr. Nusseibeh has
been courageous and bold in his actions for peace and reconciliation,
and it is a shame that he is being treated like a criminal.
Rabbi Joshua Levine Grater, Kingston, NY
Israel’s Fear of Monitors
To The Christian Science Monitor, July 11, 2002 (as published).
Helena Cobban’s column “Protect Palestinians now,” on the problems
of Palestine, is quite right. In the short term, there will not
be a reduction in violence unless independent forces stand between
the Palestinians and the Israelis. Day after day, the Israel Defense
Forces are killing completely innocent and helpless Palestinians
and are making Palestinian lives absolutely unbearable.
It is very sad that the Israeli government will not willingly
allow independent forces to stand between the two peoples. It is
also fairly clear that Israel is pursuing its own agenda of settling
the occupied territories in defiance of international law. Israel
is clearly afraid that this agenda will be hindered if the Israel
Defense Forces are kept out of the occupied territories and replaced
with independent monitors.
Christopher Leadbeater, Oxon, England
Zionists for Pollard
To President George W. Bush, July 16, 2002.
Hopefully, you will not cave in to Israeli pressure to release
Jonathan Pollard, the Zionist “American” (?) who so purposefully
betrayed our country!
Even your predecessor was able to hold up under such pressure
from Netanyahu and Barak. Surely you won’t succumb and free such
a traitor to your country and mine. Also, keep in mind who was paying
and encouraging Pollard to execute his heinous deeds—our supposed
“ally,” the government of Israel.
Robert L. Gabler, Kingwood, TX
The Armenian Genocide
To The Christian Science Monitor, June 26, 2002 (as published).
Regarding “A call to nations to prevent genocide” (June 20, Ideas):
As Samantha Power documents in her book, which you praise, Raphael
Lemkin coined the word “genocide” in 1944, using the 1915 Armenian
genocide as an example. However, you betray the author’s intent
by referring to the premeditated Armenian genocide merely as a “slaughter.”
The planned mass slaughter of a people can only be called by its
proper name, genocide.
As Ms. Power told a recent audience in Los Angeles: “The sad irony
is that [the Armenians] would have to struggle for the term to be
applied to [their] tragedy,” despite the fact that Lemkin used the
Armenian experience as a primary example of this type of crime.
Arin Gregorian, Watertown, MA
Bosnia’s Homeless Muslims
To The Times of London, July 10, 2002 (as published online).
The anniversary this week of the massacre of 8,000 Bosnian Muslim
men in Srebrenica in 1995 (report, July 6) should prompt European
policymakers to address the continuing hardship faced by those who
endured and survived ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia.
Of the million Bosnian Muslims forcibly expelled (of whom 200,000
died between 1992 and 1995), the vast majority still cannot return
to their homes. They live in poverty, squatting in inadequate accommodation,
unable to exercise their right under the Dayton agreement to reclaim
homes in the Serb-led Republika Srpska entity in eastern Bosnia.
Officials in Republika Srpska, supported by British and European
aid, continue to obstruct efforts by Muslims to return to their
homes. Thus only a fraction of the million expelled have been able
to return. Given the large-scale assistance which the EU and Britain
give to Bosnia, should we not insist on results rather than promises
of reform from Republika Srpska politicians?
Roger Barking, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, Richard Holme, Julia Neuberger
(Patrons), The Bosnian Support Fund, London, UK
Deaf Media, Not Muslim Silence
To the Los Angeles Times, July 17, 2002 (as published online).
As someone who grew up with Abou El Fadl, I was devastated to
read his article. Abou El Fadl has fallen into the simplistic trap
of Muslim-bashing.
As a member of the Los Angeles-based Muslim Public Affairs Council,
I am personally aware of dozens of events commemorating the victims
of 9/11, as well as condemnations issued by American Muslim organizations
and leaders. The problem is not silence by American Muslims; the
problem is the deaf ears of the media. I can list several events
sponsored by American Muslim organizations where the media failed
to provide any coverage whatsoever.
Furthermore, the three suggestions made by Abou El Fadl were implemented
months ago by Muslim groups, including the Muslim Public Affairs
Council. A unified statement was issued by all major American Muslim
organizations on 9/11, as this was the day American Muslim leaders
were scheduled to meet with President Bush (a meeting that was postponed
and took place three weeks later). Muslim organizations are already
working in partnership with the FBI to deal with the scourge of
terrorism. Muslims under an organization formed in New York (American
Muslims Against Terrorism) visited ground zero and expressed in
no uncertain terms our solidarity with the victims. Here in Los
Angeles, the Muslim Public Affairs Council, in a public forum, offered
thanks and donations to police and fire personnel.
Summer Hathout-Blackshire, Pasadena, CA
Anti-Muslim Bigotry
To USA Today, June 28, 2002 (as published online).
Michael Medved’s recent commentary showed the kind of anti-Muslim
bias that fosters American-Muslim animosity rather than understanding
(“Admit terrorism’s Islamic link,” The Forum, June 24).
I doubt USA Today would have carried such a column with
similar prejudices aimed at Jews and Judaism.
Medved says, “It is impossible to find Christian, Jewish or Buddhist
equivalents to the recent Saudi telethon that raised millions for
the families of homicide bombers.” But what of the uncritical support
among the leaders of major U.S. Jewish organizations—as distinct
from a significant number of U.S. Jews—and fundamentalist Christian
groups for Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, a man responsible
for the killing of thousands of Palestinian and other Arab civilians
since 1954?
Instead of being welcomed in the White House, called a man of
peace by President Bush and receiving support for his brutal actions
in the West Bank, Sharon should be tried for war crimes.
If Sharon’s victims had been Americans, Europeans or Jews, he
would be condemned as a terrorist and criminal.
Edmund R. Hanauer, Executive Director, Search for Justice and
Equality in Palestine/Israel, Framingham, MA
Bombing Afghans and the ICC
To The New York Times, July 23, 2002 (as published).
“Flaws in U.S. Air War Left Hundreds of Civilians Dead” (front
page, July 21) acknowledges that “the American air campaign in Afghanistan,
based on a high-tech, out-of-harm’s-way strategy, has produced a
pattern of mistakes that have killed hundreds of Afghan civilians.”
Many people believe that at the very least it is both cowardly
and immoral to wage war from 30,000 feet in the air, and through
local proxy forces on the ground. Regrettably, however, since the
end of the Vietnam War, “force protection” and “overwhelming force”
have become the watchwords and the primary objectives of the American
military, at the expense of civilian populations.
Given this outlook, it is no wonder that American military policymakers
vehemently reject the jurisdiction of the new International Criminal
Court.
John S. Koppel, Bethesda, MD |