In Lebanon Even the Opposition Checks First With Syria

By Marilyn Raschka

The woman on the billboard wasn't wearing much more than the perfume she advertised. Exposed to Beirut's damp winter cold, she caught the eye of some "concerned" Beirutis. In the still of the night, they offered a coat—of paint.

Was this the work of fundamentalists campaigning against Western images and culture? Yes, and more than that. It also was Lebanon's Hezbollah parliamentary opposition in action—albeit after hours.

In Western democracies, the opposition is perceived as a body that strives to attain power by working together to alter the way things are. In Lebanon, this definition covers the situation no more adequately than did the skimpy clothing on the billboard lady.

Lebanese parliamentary opposition is made up of virtually anyone who isn't benefiting from the programs of those in power. Their own programs, however, may be diverse and ill-defined.

In the present 124-member parliament, ex-Prime Minister Omar Karami leads the traditional opposition. In his constituency in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli, his family has been in politics since the early days of modem Lebanon. His opposition targets not the political ideology of the state, but rather government programs that offer no gain to his constituents.

Parliamentarian NaJah Wakim represents a non-traditional opposition. Associated with parliamentary opposition since the day he was elected in 1972, he operates within what he calls a mini-bloc associated with socially concerned and politically influential people outside the parliament and government.

In a wry interview with the Washington Report, MP Wakim heaped scorn on Lebanon's political system: "We look like a parliament but we aren't. We look like a democracy but we aren't that either. If an issue is important, then by that very fact it won't be brought up in parliament."

As for the parliamentary opposition of which he is a member, he blames its "low turnout" andlack of unity on Lebanon's confessional system, which focuses the efforts of members of parliament on serving the narrow interests of their own sectarian communities.

Wakim, a lawyer by profession, rattles off facts, figures and fiery accusations against the government of Rafik Hariri, Lebanon's billionaire prime minister. "Take the new airport," Wakini begins. "This project will cost $400 million." That, he points out, is almost as much as the $500 million earmarked over a 10-year period for Lebanon's agricultural development. The difference, he says, is that some 45 percent of Lebanese are dependent on agriculture for full- or part-time employment.

Whereas Hariri sees the future of Lebanon in terms of skylines composed of high-rises and tourist hotels, Wakim says, he sees it in terms of bread lines made up not only of workers, but also the remnants of Lebanon's middle class.

"The middle class suffered more than anyone else in the war," he tells the listener. He sees little room for middle class participation in any of Hariri's schemes.

If NaJah Wakim is the opposition's champion of the middle class, working for a non-sectarian Lebanon linked to no one foreign country, Hezbollah, the Party of God, is his radical opposition opposite: champion of poor Shi'i Lebanese and supporter of an Islamic-style government linked to Iran.

Therefore, although Karami, )#Ra1Srf[,' and a few other independents constitute the opposition along with Hezbollah, they have little else in common and find few opportunities to work together.

Eight Hezbollah MPs make up the biggest bloc in parliament. Augmented by MPs from the Sunni fundamentalist grouping Jammaa Islamiyyeh, they become 12. More important than Hezbollah's numbers is its Islamist agenda. Not only do Hezbollah deputies disagree with the fundamental ideology of the Lebanese state, at times they act as if it doesn't exist.

A February incident underscores the influence Hezbollah retains in eastern Lebanon, where governmental authority remains limited. A 16-year-old who killed a woman and two of her children in Baalbek was "arrested ... .. tried" and executed by Hezbollah according to Islamic law.

When the Lebanese state complained that the suspect should have been turned over to the authorities, Hezbollah responded that it had to step in to avert a cycle of revenge killings.

In parliament, Hezbollah resorts to pressure to make sure that the areas where it wields influence get their share of the goodies. If the government holds back, fiery speeches by Party of God MPs are followed by rallies and occasional demonstrations.

If such traditional actions don't get results, Hezbollah operatives know how to get attention. Take the drinking water in the Shi'i southern suburbs of Beirut. It was undrinkable. What did Hezbollah do? It rolled out the tanks—water tanks that is.

Drinking water was distributed at no charge to the residents, highlighting the inability of the government to provide even basic services to citizens.

Hezbollah's Political Victories

Hezbollah's biggest coup as an opposition party was to get a double fatwa, or religious ruling, condemning the purchase of shares in the government-sponsored real estate company created to finance the reconstruction of downtown Beirut.

Issued by both Shi'i and Sunni religious leaders, the fatwas condemned participation in the project as a violation of the Qur'anic injunction against usury. If the downtown project succeeds, therefore, it will mostly be thanks to the participation of large numbers of wealthy apartment owners. Many of the proposed high-rise residences will be available only to those able to afford seven-digit prices.

Hezbollah, on the other hand, is advancing its own rebuilding program under the name Jihad Construction. Investors receive no interest, and buyers pay none. The average apartment will sell for $15,000 to $20,000.

Such an active Muslim presence in the opposition raises a question. Where is the Christian opposition? Try Paris.

Christians in Paris

Deposed General Michel Aoun now is in his third year in exile. Popular political leader Raymond Edde's self-exile began with the outbreak of civil war in 1975.

Aoun's opposition continues to have considerable support, however. A local TV station broadcasts the descriptive, if unimaginative, "Aoun anti-Hariri line."

Christian MPs are independents who broke with the Maronite-led boycott of the 1992 parliamentary elections. Their base of support is said to be so narrow they have little choice but to vote yes on the floor of parliament.

Outspoken opposition to continued Syrian influence over both the parliament and the Hariri government comes from Christians safely outside the political system. , , Decision making is paralyzed by Damascus, " complained a Christian opponent of the government, who asked not to be identified. "Fundamental issues such as the peace negotiations and reaction to Israeli threats in south Lebanon are decided in Damascus."

Alluding to the alleged Syrian influence over the 1992 parliamentary elections, this source accused even the opposition MPs of "owing their political position to Damascus."

Although all are tied to Syria, the critic maintained, each opposition individual or group has a leash of a different length. Traditional leaders have more leverage than the others. Their historical positions I and large constituencies mean that " Damascus has to negotiate rather than demand.

As for Hezbollah, the self-appointed caretakers of cold ladies, their first and foremost master remains Iran.

Marilyn Raschka is a free-lance writer who lives in Beirut, where she is an editor of the Americans for Justice in the Middle East newsletter.