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June 1993, Page 8

Words To Remember

The Making of Decisions on Bosnia: April 13-May 19, 1993

"The case for international intervention to protect Bosnian Muslim civilians from further ethnic cleansing is emotionally and morally strong. In a little more than a year of warfare, tens of thousands of innocents have been subject to wholesale uprooting, systematic rape and grotesque forms of murder. Thanks to a U.N. arms embargo that mainly constrains the Bosnian government, those that have survived remain all but defenseless. " —Washington Post editorial, April 13, 1993

"You cannot just let this go on. This is not right for the West ... America was right in the first place to expect Europe to deal with this. It's within Europe's sphere of influence and it should be within Europe's sphere of conscience ... Either you allow the present slaughter, massacre, maiming, ethnic cleansing to go on, or you attempt not to appease the aggressor but to fight him. And you fight him not by us fighting but by the Bosnians being armed to fight and also by using our air cover ... The aggressor's taken the view that, yes, we have the weapons but we haven't the resolve to use them. "
Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in CBS "This Morning" interview, April 14, 1993

"Most senior United Nations commanders believe that nothing short of a Western ultimatum, backed with the threat of military force, can stop Serbian commanders from seizing Srebrenica and going on to complete their war aims by overrunning other Muslim enclaves in eastern Bosnia, including Gorazde and Zepa. The Serbian aim from the outset of the war a year ago has been to take contiguous stretches of Bosnian territory, killing or expelling Muslim populations that have lived there for centuries, then forging the captured lands into a coherent whole that can eventually be annexed to Serbia in what Serbian nationalists call Greater Serbia. "
Correspondent John Burns, New York Times, April 15, 1993

"I wish to express my indignation at the inexcusable assault on civilians in [Srebrenical. I urgently call upon the Bosnian Serb forces in the area to halt their unjustifiable attacks, which have occurred despite explicit assurances to the contrary from their military and political leaders. "
—U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, April 15, 1993

"Throughout the [U.N. Security] Council's debates on Bosnia, the Third World members have taken a consistently hard line against the Serbs, influenced by the plight of the Muslims and the anger this has aroused throughout the Islamic world. Third World members said today that they favored the immediate imposition of the new sanctions on the Serbs as well as air strikes against supply routes to their forces in Bosnia. "
Correspondent Paul Lewis, New York Times, April 16, 1993

"If the Serbian government in Belgrade will not cut off those supplies, then we should interdict from the air and cut them off ourselves.
Peace negotiator David Owen in television interview, April 16, 1993

"The time has come for the United States to look honestly at where we are and what our options are ... I think we have to consider things which, at least previously, have been unacceptable. "
President Bill Clinton, April 16, 1993

"The summary of the [State Department team of experts] report released today recommended that the administration consider establishing safe havens for the besieged Muslims, which would be protected by international military action to insure the delivery of aid. It also suggested that the administration consider the use of force to 'silence heavy weapons systems' like the Serbian artillery that has been shelling Muslim civilians in Sarajevo and Srebrenica. The team had resisted pressure by some senior officials to weaken their conclusions."
Correspondent Michael R. Gordon, New York Times, April 16,1993

"Srebrenica was a symbol. If a tragedy had happened there, everybody knew that the entire peace process would have been jeopardized. Now that peace has been established in Srebrenica, we can all hope that the peace process can go forward very rapidly and we will not face any new crises. "
—U.N. Commander in Bosnia Lt. Gen. Philippe Morillon, April 18, 1993

"The process of consensus-building needs a shove. As the most powerful political leader of the NATO alliance, it's Mr. Clinton's job to supply it ... Only Mr. Clinton has the clout to move the British, French and Germans toward a policy that balances humanitarian, political and military factions. "
New York Times editorial, April 18, 1993

"All we're doing is standing by while the Serbs mop up Bosnia, divide it into ... different pieces, and slaughter the women and children.
Senate Minority Leader Robert Dole (R-KS) on NBC's "Meet the Press, " April 18, 1993

"For years, since the revelation of Hitler's Holocaust, we have had an energetic international discussion of how much various individuals and governments knew and thus of what responsibility they might have for failing to prevent the slaughter that went on unimpeded. We have had merciless expos6s of American travelers to the Soviet Union who, one way and another, either pooh-poohed or outright lied about Stalin's devastation of whole classes and kinds of people. The assumption has always been that if we had known, we would have behaved differently. In the much smaller case of ex-Yugoslavia the question arises: How?"
—Editorial page editor Meg Greenfield, Washington Post, April 19, 1993

"The administration would love to wash its hands of the whole mess, but this is the one thing it can't do. The Yugoslav war is too serious. If Serbia widens the war to Kosovo and Macedonia, Greece, Turkey and Albania could well be drawn into a war that would wreck the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, destabilize the Middle East and rip up the delicate system of international cooperation that the West has painfully pieced together since World War II. These are risks no president can ignore. "
Foreign policy writer Walter Russell Mead in the Los Angeles Times, April 21, 1993

"It is no good that Western leaders wring their hands and shed crocodile tears as the butchery continues. They know that the Serbians began this conflict with a vast arsenal of modem weapons and a supply of ammunition sufficient for two years' fighting—more than 10 times as much as the Muslims have. They also know that the consequence of imposing an arms embargo equally upon the victims of aggression, the Bosnian Muslims, and on the Serbian aggressors—unprecedented in U. N. history—is that the genocide will continue. "
Conservative Member of Parliament Winston S. Churchill (grandson of the wartime British prime minister), in April 22, 1993 New York Times

"If 'never again' only means the mechanical replaying of history it does not mean much: history always reappears in disguises. 'Never again' will not bring back the dead. And will not even honor them. We can only honor the dead if their lonely deaths have shocked us all into a binding code of moral responsibility toward the living who are facing mass murder. "
Former U.S. National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski in April 22, 1993 New York Times

"It has become a cliché to say that American options are bad and worsening. But the costs of indulging Serb aggression are also bad and worsening. Those two truths define the problem the president is grappling with now. "
Washington Post editorial, April 23, 1993

"The idea of moving people around and abusing them and often killing them, solely because of their ethnicity, is an abhorrent thing, and it is especially troublesome in that area where people of different ethnic groups lived side by side for so long together. And I think you have to stand up against it. I think it is wrong.'
—President Bill Clinton in April 23, 1993 press conference

"Western reluctance to intervene earlier has given the [Bosnian Serb] rebels reason to believe they are invincible, even if confronted with the military might of the United States or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. "
Correspondent Carol J. Williams, Los Angeles Times, April 26, 1993

"The [U.N.] secretary-general has said, 'Don't use force because the negotiations still might succeed. 'I say this man must be on some other planet. Force is already being used 24 hours a day. It's counterforce that's missing."
Former U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz, April 26, 1993

"Leave aside all the arguments that this isn't our war, or that no vital U. S. [or Western] interests are directly involved. The issue is not self-interest but fundamental decency. What the Serbs are doing to the Bosnian Muslims is, if not genocide, too close to it for moral comfort. The very phrase 'ethnic cleansing' is enough to make you shudder. "
Syndicated columnist William Raspberry, Washington Post, April 26, 1993

"In the 1940s it was possible to argue that no American interest would have been served by an attempt to rescue the Jews from Hitler. But if it can now be argued in retrospect that morality absolutely required an attempt to rescue the Jews, even if some narrow definition of the American interest did not, then the analogous argument can be made that rescuing Bosnia's Muslims or arming them to defend themselves is a U.S. duty today. "
Los Angeles Times editorial, April 28, 1993

... Europe whole and free.' Western leaders uttered that pledge, or ambition, when the Iron Curtain was tom down. Three years later the word 'Europe' is again a place-name instead of the expression o a destiny. Europe after communism is neither whole nor totally free ... The European family of nations has abandoned one of its own in a forest full of wolves. Americans have been obliged to look on in horror. There were good reasons, of course. There always are when others do the suffering. But do not imagine that their suffering will not change all of us slowly, from within. "
—Syndicated columnist Jim Hoagland, Washington Post, April 28, 1993

"George Bush's failure to insist on a decisive victory in the Gulf war, Bush and Clinton mistakes in the Yugoslav affair and the excessive pace of reductions in the American military budget have encouraged governments all over the world to suspect and fear that the U.S. is withdrawing from the Truman policy of American leadership in halting aggression ... President Clinton is a big advocate of multilateralism. But his focus on the U.N. Security Council is a dangerous one. He should remember that, under Article 51 of the U.N. Charter, the U.S. and NATO can exercise their 'inherent' right of collective self-defense against Serbian aggression without obtaining Security Council approval. Rather than worrying about negotiations in the Security Council, President Clinton should proceed. "
—Eugene V. Rostow, former undersecretary of state for political affairs, Wall Street Journal, April 28, 1993

"President Clinton, after being presented options that included aerial bombing, decided yesterday to use military force against the Serbs in the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina ... Clinton also began calling foreign leaders, including British Prime Minister John Major and French President Franccois Mitterrand, to notify them of his decision, and administration official said."
Staff writer Daniel Williams, Washington Post, May 2, 1993

"Those irresponsible leaders who say that it is all right if six million Serbs die because there will still be another six million left alive belong in a hospital, or should at least be prevented from holding public office."
—Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, May 2, 1993

"A dramatic turnabout by Serbia in publicly supporting the Vance-Owen plan appeared to be the key reason for Karadzic's change of heart. With the battered economy of the new two-republic Yugoslavia further squeezed by tougher U.N. sanctions that went into effect last week, and with President Clinton having decided in principle to use military force against the Bosnian Serbs, Milosevic seems to have engineered a striking shift in Serbian opinion on the peace plan in the past week. "
—Correspondent William Drozdiak, Washington Post, May 2, 1993

"The sudden change of mind by Yugoslavia, now composed of Serbia and Montenegro, in seeking to persuade its Bosnian Serb allies to approve the plan appeared to derive from the tighter U.N. sanctions and the mounting threat of outside military intervention, including American air strikes ... Serbia's state-controlled media have also shifted direction, praising the Vance-Owen plan and holding their stubborn Bosnian brothers responsible for new hardships as a result of the new sanctions.
—Correspondent William Drozdiak, Washington Post , May 2, 1993

"The agreement Dr. Karadzic signed today is identical to the one he rejected just over a week ago and contains no changes in the boundaries of the 10 new provinces that will be carved out of Bosnia and Herzegovina. "
—Correspondent Paul Lewis, New York Times, May 2, 1993

" With this, the so-called Serbian Republic has proclaimed itself out of existence. "
Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic, May 2, 1993

"The news from Athens today is good news, so far as it goes. What really matters is what happens on the ground: whether the killing stops, whether the aid is permitted to get to those who need it, whether the heavy weapons are silent, whether the parties carry out their agreements. "
U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher, May 2, 1993

"We have yet to determine whether the Serbs are serious about peace. We will judge intentions by actions"
U.S. President Bill Clinton, may 2, 1993

"We can hope that this is a breakthrough, but again all we've seen is a signature. We have not seen changes on the ground ... If those actions should be forthcoming, then I think we would see a fundamentally different situation in Bosnia, but that has not happened yet. "
—U.S. Vice President Al Gore, May 2, 1993

"In the United States, within the administration and on Capitol Hill, the preferred option seems to be lifting the embargo to give the Muslims weapons to defend themselves against the better-equipped Serbs. That proposal is attractive because it would not place American troops in harm's way. There is somewhat less support in the United States for air strikes that would be carried out by U.S. and allied warplanes. But Christopher was greeted on his arrival in London by a front-page story in the influential Sunday Times newspaper quoting senior British officials as saying that although Major's government might reluctantly go along with allied air strikes, it was so opposed to lifting the arms embargo that it would cast an unprecedented veto in the Security Council if Washington forced the matter to a vote. "
—Correspondent Norman Kempster, Los Angeles Times , May 2, 1993

"We are developing a common position with our partners and allies on stronger measures to be taken if the Serbs fail to implement the peace settlement ... Several options are under consideration, including military steps. "
—Joint U.K.-U.S. statement issued May 2, 1993

"We have to keep the drumbeats of possible American and allied intervention sounding because that's the one sure way ... to get the Serbs to not only sign this agreement but literally to carry it out. "
—Sen. Joseph 1. Lieberman (D-CT), May 2, 1993

"Administration officials conceded that Christopher faces a difficult task in trying to forge a consensus on lifting the arms embargo, a step Britain and several other NATO allies fear may only intensify and widen the Bosnian conflict. They added that the Europeans seemed more likely to support the use of air power and said that preparations for air strikes against selected Serbian military positions would go forward in spite of the Athens agreement."
—Correspondent Michael Ross, Los Angeles Times, May 3,1993

"President Clinton yesterday pushed on with his campaign to build international and congressional support for using military force in Bosnia, saying that the Bosnian Serbs must go beyond signing a peace agreement as their leader did yesterday, and actually implement it before U.S. military planning is halted. "
Staff writer Ann Devroy, Washington Post, May 3, 1993

" [Athens] conference sources said the United States and moderate Arab states strongly urged [Bosnian President] Izetbegovic not to do anything that would give the Bosnian Serbs a pretext to balk at signing the peace plan. The governments of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, in particular, expressed strong concern that if Bosnia's war continued, it would be exploited by anti-Western Muslim fundamentalists in the Arab world. "
Correspondent William Drozdiak, Washington Post, May 3, 1993

" If the saber rattling in Washington over the last 10 days helped to convince ... the Bosnian Serb leader, then it seemed good sense to keep up the rattling in the hope that it would bring around the recalcitrant Bosnian Serb parliament, the self-appointed group that rejected the agreement just last Monday."
Correspondent R.W. Apple Jr., New York Times, May 3, 1993

"Although some in Washington warn that Serbs could respond to the destruction of their heavy artillery by switching to smaller weapons to finish off targeted Muslim communities, the rebels have shown little taste for combat on a level playing field. The Bosnian Serbs have succeeded in taking 70 percent of the republic solely on their artillery advantage, encircling civilian targets and pounding them until the inhabitants flee. There has been little hand-to-hand combat, and where that occurred the Serbs often lost ground."
Correspondent Carol Williams, Los Angeles Times, May 3, 1993

"If the delaying trick is tried, the best way to prove Western determination would be to turn out the lights in Belgrade-to use air power to smash the utility infrastructure within Serbia in a way that would turn the people against the regime ... If the credible threat of U.S. military punishment at last stops the carnage, we should insist that the ancient device of a balance of power undergird the peace ... That means that the Muslim Bosnians must be armed to the level of the Serbs within Bosnia, or that the Serbs be disarmed down to the level of the Muslims. "
Syndicated columnist William Safire, New York Times, May 3, 1993

"In the Balkans, I think we have just seen the failure of the liberal approach to peace through weakness. The Muslims have paid a terrible price because there has been a one-sided war for two years in which the world has cut off the Muslims while the Serbians acquired the arms that were there with the old Yugoslavian army. Peace through strength worked for America. Peace through strength can work for the Muslims if we're prepared to commit to ensure that they are both armed and trained, and I think that's the direction we ought to go in."
—Rep. Newt Gingrich (R-GA) on CBS's "Face the Nation," May 9, 1993

"I think that the White House and the president and his advisers know that, at least initially, the only military option for them is the option of air strikes. They will tighten more and more the embargos against the Serbs, and those are embargos that actually do have an effect. I suspect that there will be more and more effort to drop the arms embargo against the Muslims with an effort to get some of the Arab world to supply arms to them."
—Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-VT) on CNN's "Newsmaker Sunday," May 9, 1993

"If you assume ... cooperation with the allies, U.N. authority, a clear program which has an ending ... clearly focused on just maintaining the opportunity for the Muslims to be armed, I think Congress would approve that ... And the country needs to be brought along. People need to understand what is the U.S. interest in providing some assistance to the Muslim forces in Bosnia ... Part of the answer ... is that we have an interest in avoiding the kinds of ethnic cleansing and cross-border activities that have been going on. We have ... a very great interest in preventing this from spreading into Macedonia and Kosovo and other places where there could be the beginning of all kinds of involvement ... by Greece, by Turkey, by Bulgaria and Albania and Russia itself."
—House Speaker Thomas Foley (D-WA) on CBS's "Face the Nation," May 9, 1993

"Twice in this century we tried to stay out of conflict in Europe ... only to be drawn in later at a much higher price. The Soviet Empire has crumbled. Ethnic, national, religious disputes are breaking out all over. The question here is whether they will be settled with force and ... whether we will allow Serbian aggression to move from Bosnia into Kosovo and Macedonia where .it has a high probability of creating a greater Balkan war that would almost inevitably draw us in. "
—Sen. Joseph Lieberman (D-CT) on ABC's "This Week With David Brinkley," May 9, 1993

"The Bosnian Serbs have tasted blood and see total victory within their grasp. Diplomacy that was based on their seeing reason has failed. It is too late to persuade the Bosnian Serbs. Containing them by lifting the arms embargo for the Muslims and providing air cover while the Muslims build up their forces is Clinton's best last option."
Columnist Jim Hoagland, Washington Post, May 10, 1993

"In part because of the reluctance of U.S. allies in Europe to back the Clinton administration's policy, the White House has modified its immediate goals in the Bosnian conflict from halting the fighting to helping Bosnian Muslims there hold their own against superior Serb forces through limited allied intervention. The focus would be on air strikes against Serb military targets while allowing arms and training for Muslims so they can better resist Serb attacks."
Staff writer Tom Kenworthy, Washington Post, May 10, 1993

"The Clinton administration has much broader goals than the Europeans have, and the gap that results has yet to be bridged. Although Mr. Clinton has concluded that there is no real prospect of rolling back Serbian gains with outside military force, he still hopes to influence the underlying political situation. Unwilling to send American troops to tilt the balance on the battlefield, he wants to allow arms to reach the Muslims and use air power mainly to hold off the Bosnian Serbs until deliveries of heavy weapons to their enemies can be completed."
Correspondent R.W. Apple Jr., New York Times, May 10, 1993

"It is clear from the secretary's consultations last week that the allies agreed with us that should the Bosnian Serbs reject the peaceful course, that stronger measures would be necessary and indeed would be taken. We have not yet agreed on precisely what measures these should be. "
—State Department spokesman Richard Boucher, May 10, 1993

"We cannot accept a division of labor where the United States can drop its bombs and look on as a spectator high in the sky while we and others do the dirty work on the ground down below."
French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe, reported in Washington Post, May 11, 1993

"The world stands aside as Christians defeat Muslims. We have 'even-handedly' embargoed weapons to Bosnia and Serb, providing de facto military superiority to the latter. We listened to stories of starving Armenians, only to see them overrun the Azeris in a highly successful offensive ... The cost of this is to undermine the moderate Muslims—Turks, Egyptians, Pakistanis, Indonesians—who provide extant models for political evolution."
Christian Science Monitor,May 11, 1993

"In recent days, the British and French governments have moved to fill the American policy vacuum by urging Washington to join their plan to deploy United Nations peacekeeping troops as protectors of a handful of 'safe havens' for Muslim civilians. "
Correspondent Elaine Sciolino, New York Times, May 12, 1993

"I think that you'll see that over the next few days we will be able to take some more steps that will make peace more likely and will make the confining of the conflict more likely."
—President Bill Clinton in radio interview with New York talk show host Don Imus, May 12, 1993

"We are convinced that there is just cause to use force to defend largely helpless people in Bosnia against aggression and barbarism that are destroying the very foundations of society and threaten large numbers of people. "
Roman Catholic Archbishop John R. Roach in letter to Secretary Christopher, reported in Los Angeles Times,May 13, 1993

"Those of us who opposed the Gulf war believe that war was not the answer. But today we find ourselves confronted with an evil war, the sure elimination of which may be possible only by means of armed intervention. "
—Rev.Edmund L. Browning, presiding bishop of the Episcopal Church, reported in Los Angeles Times, May 13, 1993

"We shared the skepticism of many when the initial reports came in. But as they became more graphic ... it had an enormous impact on the Jewish community. It is bad enough, and close enough and comparable enough [to the Holocaust] that the Jewish community felt a profound obligation to respond morally, whatever the strategic issues. "
Rabbi Eric Yoffie, vice president of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, reported in Los Angeles Times, May 13, 1993

"Despite the pledge by Serb President Slobodan Milosevic to cut off his fellow Serbs in Bosnia from everything but food and medicine ... oil tankers, timber trucks and cattle vans all pass with only cursory checks from a swarm of Serbian policemen."
—Correspondent Roger Thurow, Wall Street Journal, May 13, 1993

"The United States and NATO all but committed themselves to armed confrontation with the Bosnian Serbs last Thursday ... Britain's patience and even France's is wearing out at last, and our president, to whom no problem ever seems simple, now sees this one reduced to an answer terrible in its simplicity and not without risks."
Columnist Murray Kempton, Los Angeles Times, May 13, 1993

"What you do with allies is what Bush did with them on the Gulf. You say, 'I'm going to do this. "'
Columnist Charles Krauthammer on CBS's "Inside Washington," May 16, 1993

"He's all over the place on this. He's got to decide. He's not going to get the backing of the American people unless he stakes out a position and explains it."
—Newsweek writer Evan Thomas on CBS's "Inside Washington," May 16, 1993

"I still think the Balkans are going to be a major chapter in this president's tenure. "
—Newsweek writer Eleanor Clift on NBC's "The McLaughlin Group," May 16, 1993