wrmea.com

August/September 1991, Page 45

Maghreb Mirror

Mauritanians Move Toward Democracy With a New Constitution

By Jamal Amiar

With an announced electoral participation of 85 percent, Mauritanians approved by a massive 97.94 percent the new constitution project submitted to the voters by the military regime of President Maaouya Ould Sid' Ahmed Taya.

The constitution Mauritanians approved on July 12 establishes a presidential regime in which both the president and the prime minister hold important powers. It contains 103 articles that guarantee freedoms of association and speech and officially establish Mauritania as an "Islamic, Arab and African republic. " Four main languages, Arabic, Pulaar, Wollof, and Soninke, all are recognized and declared national languages. The Arabic language, however, is designated the official language for Mauritania's 2.2 million inhabitants.

Legislative powers are organized within two chambers, a national assembly with a five-year mandate and a senate elected for six years. According to the official newspaper, Horizons, "this vote gives the new constitution moral and political strength."

Opposition Criticism

Opposition sources criticized the fact that voter registration cards were printed in Arabic only. They also challenged government claims that voter participation was 85 percent, pointing out that, in previous elections, participation was only 25 percent.

Nevertheless, for the first time in Mauritanian history, multipartyism has been put into practice. The referendum also marks the beginning of a democratic process in a Maghreb, Arab and African state where such events have been uncommon. Last April, President Ould Taya said local, parliamentary and presidential elections would be held "within 12 months after a new constitution project is submitted to the voters' decision."

Now, the Nouakchott government confirms, the new institutions will start functioning between three and nine months after the referendum vote. Officials promised also that new laws organizing the press and political parties should be made public within a month.

Since Mauritania achieved independence in 1960, it has been ruled by a succession of autocratic regimes, both civilian and military.

Mauritania's first president, Mokhtar Ould Daddah, officially installed single party rule in the former French colony. Two years later, in 1963, his Party of the Mauritanian People (PPM) was declared "the only constitutional party. " In 1966, "the supremacy of the PPM over the state" was enacted into law. Ould Daddah ruled until his overthrow by the army in 1978.

For the first time in Mauritanian history, multipartyism has been put into practice.

Domestically, the country has been torn by Black African protests against the politics of Arabization. A poor and under populated state, Mauritania also found itself in the middle of the Moroccan-Algerian political and military competition and conflicting claims to regional hegemony. Algeria's regional, continental and Third World ambitions have been no diplomatic secret. In Morocco, one of the country's most important political forces, the nationalist Istiqlal party, continues to claim that Mauritania is a part of Morocco.

It was only in 1969 that Morocco recognized Mauritanian independence. In 1973, Morocco lifted its veto and allowed Nouakchott to join the Arab League. The many years in which the Sahara conflict has continued further weakened Mauritania's regional position, and forced it to devote scarce resources to military spending.

It has been 14 years since Mokhtar Ould Daddah was jailed in 1978 and then sent into exile. He was replaced by a series of strongmen, and in 1981 President Maaouya Ould Sid' Ahmed Taya came to power.

His first attempts to promulgate "constitutional charters" were unsuccessful, due to political instability, economic difficulties and ethnic conflicts.

In 1985, a militant Black activist group was established, calling itself the African Liberation Forces of Mauritania (FLAM). In 1986, the International Monetary Fund extended credits to Mauritania, and an austerity plan was put into effect. The same year, a "Manifesto of the Repressed Black Mauritanian" was published. This was followed by waves of arrests among the Black and human rights activists.

The Mauritanian-Senegalese Crisis

In 1987, a coup d'etat by Black officers failed. Two years later, incidents at the Mauritanian-Senegalese border provoked an outburst of racial violence in the area, as well as military skirmishes between the two countries.

Dakar deported some 240,000 Mauritanians living in Senegal back to Mauritania. Mauritania in turn expelled some 100,000 Black Mauritanians and Senegalese.

Only quick Egyptian diplomatic efforts prevented large-scale war on the southern Mauritanian border. Until now, diplomatic relations between Dakar and Nouakchott have not been restored, and soldiers are mobilized on the border.

The Mauritanian-Senegalese crisis of April 1989 accelerated the pace of change. Because of the racism and the human rights violations that occurred during the crisis, human rights organizations became active and liberal opposition groups began to organize. Open letters were published calling for democracy and respect for human rights. The just-completed constitution project resulted.

With this significant political step behind them, however, Mauritanians still face serious problems. With its small population speaking no less than four languages and divided between Arabs (80 percent) and Black Africans (20 percent), Mauritania is also a very poor country. Per-capita income is less than $500 annually, and illiteracy is 90 percent among women and 72 percent among men. In 1989, defense expenditures took 29 percent of the total national budget. Only 10 percent went to education, and 3 percent to health services.

Jamal Amiar is a US-educated radio journalist based in Tangier, Morocco.