WRMEA, August 2010, Pages 17, 42

Special Report

Israeli Democracy—Lost at Sea

By Awatef Sheikh

Israeli Knesset members, including Yisrael Beiteinu’s Anastassia Michaeli (c, blonde hair), storm the podium in an attempt to prevent Arab Israeli MK Haneen Zoabi (r, at podium) from speaking about the Free Gaza Flotilla, in which she was a participant. (AFP photo/Tomer Applebaum)

ONE ASSUMES there is a general international consensus about what democracy entails. If that includes freedom of speech and of political expression, however, then the majority of Israel's Jewish citizens and members of the Knesset (MKs) disagree. In Israel, you are free to speak as long as what you say appeals to the Israeli political elite and media; if not, then you must be silenced and "vomited" from their "shrine of democracy"—as Reuven Revlin, the chair of the Knesset, proudly describes the Israeli parliament when hosting foreign officials. Indeed, Israel religiously protects its 'shrine'; the question is, shrine to what?

Israel's May 31 naval attack on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla in international waters, killing nine peace activists and injuring dozens more, its kidnapping of the ships and passengers and subsequent jailing of the unarmed civilian activists—all in violation of international law—shocked the world. The unprecedented international outrage and condemnation was embarrassing—and confusing—to the state's political elite.

The scenes at the Knesset over the following days, however, only compounded the initial shock. For when National Democratic Assembly MK Haneen Zoabi, who took part in the flotilla that aimed to break the siege on Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid long denied by Israel, was called to the podium to speak as part of a scheduled Knesset discussion on the flotilla events, her fellow parliamentarians from opposition and coalition parties alike tried to stop her from speaking, shouting at Zoabi and describing her in all sorts of disgraceful chauvinist and sexist terms, attacking her as an Arab and a woman.

Her crime, apparently, was that she was doing her job as an MK, expressing political views and taking part in political activity, all within the rule of law and exercises in democratic expression. But in the Knesset's prevailing atmosphere of frustration and confusion she became the only flotilla participant her Israeli counterparts could "get their hands on" to vent their spleen—the rest having either been killed, injured, jailed or deported.

Interestingly, the most vitriolic attacks came from other female MKs. One, Anastassia Michaeli from Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman's racist Yisrael Beiteinu party, stormed the podium in an attempt to physically attack Zoabi. She was stopped by Knesset guards just inches from reaching Zoabi, but managed to grab her arm to try to pull her from the podium. While being removed by security, Michaeli shouted: "We should not let a traitor talk in the Knesset. We are a democratic country, but there is a limit...."

Eli Aflalo from the "centrist" Kadima repeatedly called Zoabi a "traitor," shouting, "We need to vomit her from this Knesset!" MK David Rotem of Yisrael Beiteinu called Zoabi and other Arab MKs "bastards." And when Zoabi asked Likud MK Yohanan Plessner not to touch her while arguing with him, he replied: "I will touch you like no other man ever has."

Later, addressing Arab MKs, the National Union's Arieh Eldad said, "The blue-and-white flag is yours. You are in the Jewish state even if your bowels turn."

When the Knesset House Committee was summoned to discuss a request to strip Zoabi of her parliamentary rights, the discussion sunk to an unprecedented vulgar and abusive level, to such a degree that the chair ordered some of the expressions to be deleted from the record. The Knesset security assigned personal guards to accompany Zoabi 24/7—even inside the Knesset, among her fellow MKs. "I didn't feel anger," Zoabi told the Washington Report, "but rather contempt as MKs acted like a racist mob with no human values or the ability to conduct a political discussion with minimal levels of respect."

A few days later, the Knesset House Committee voted 7-1 to strip Zoabi of some of her parliamentary rights for taking part in the flotilla. Almost all the MKs called for more extreme measures against her, including her dismissal from the Knesset, revocation of her citizenship, imprisonment, and expulsion from Israel. According to a Haaretz newspaper poll, 80 percent of the Israeli public thinks Zoabi should be punished for taking part in the flotilla; 38 percent regarded stripping her of Israeli citizenship as adequate punishment.

Of course, the assault on democracy in Israel is not breaking news. The torrent of violent, racist abuse by MKs and the Israeli public toward Zoabi and the more than 600 international civilians who participated in the flotilla reflects the degree of Israelis' denial to the reality they are responsible for creating, including 43 years of occupation. It not only reflects hostility to non-Israeli Jews, but the degeneration of human, political and democratic values in Israel itself. The attack against civilians in international waters was fully backed by the Israeli government and public, with many Israeli citizens travelling to Ashdod port to welcome the returning commandos as "heroes." In fact, 74 percent of the Israeli public was satisfied with their conduct during the operation. There were some disapproving exceptions, of course—an Israeli bus driver transporting soldiers posted a banner on the front of his bus which read: "Squadron 13, shame on you. Why did you kill so few?"

By definition, no full democracy exists in Israel because Palestinian Israelis, who comprise 20 percent of the population, have never enjoyed full democratic rights in their country of birth, where they have always operated on the margins of democracy. Even this "narrow margin Israel is trying to eliminate," argues Zoabi. "Democracy in Israel," she adds, "means being and operating within the Zionist consensus; voices outside that consensus must be silenced and criminalized." She describes this consensus as follows: "You must not challenge the 'morality' of the Israeli army; you must not challenge Israel's perception of itself as the victim, or its perception of Palestinians as terrorists; you must not challenge its founding ideology as the home for world Jewry; or its perception of Palestinians as guests, whose citizenship is possible due to Israel's graciousness. If you challenge Israel's self-evident Zionist principles, then you oppose and threaten Israel's security and are de-legitimized."

As long as the Palestinian MKs operate within the Zionist consensus, they are accepted. Once they appeal against Israel's definition of itself and its definition of the "other," however, they must be expelled from the "graciously" granted margin of democracy they are allowed to occupy. This is echoed in a March 2007 letter sent by the director of Israel's General Security Services (GSS) to Adalah, the legal center for Arab minority rights in Israel, which stated that the GSS is required to "thwart the subversive activity of entities" seeking to change the nature of the state of Israel as Jewish and democratic, "even if their activity is conducted through democratic means." The content of the letter had the consent of the State Attorney General.

If Israel doesn't like what its Arab constituents say and do, then it will use its "democratic tools" to limit their democratic rights. On June 9, 25 Knesset members from coalition and opposition parties alike introduced a bill seeking to criminalize boycott, divest and sanctions (BDS) activities and advocacy by forcing Israeli citizens who initiate, encourage or aid a boycott against the state of Israel to compensate those affected by the embargo. As for foreign nationals involved in BDS, their right to enter Israel could be revoked for at least 10 years.

The aggressive, unrestrained hatred and racist expressions of anger from Israeli MKs and the Israeli public towards Zoabi derive also from their inability to accept her as an equal citizen—let alone an equal fellow MK whose freedom of expression is the basis of her political work as an elected legislator. As an Arab MK, she is inherently viewed as a lesser human being, and one who dared to upset her masters, stand and criticize them to their face, and fail to show any gratitude when conditionally granted some rights she would not have enjoyed in any Arab dictatorship—as Israeli MKs routinely inform Palestinian MKs when the latter criticize Israel's policies.

Of course, Arab dictatorships never claimed to be democracies. Perhaps that's a stance Israel should consider as well.

Awatef Sheikh, a former parliamentary aide to an Arab MK, is a free-lance consultant and journalist.